The  Korean  Situation 


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The  Korean  Situation 


Authentic  Accounts  of  Recent  Events 
by  Eye  Witnesses 


PRICE  25  CENTS 

"LIBRARY  OF  PRINCETON 

I | 

FEB  6 2008 

THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


Issued  by 

The  Commission  on  Relations  with  the  Orient 
of  the 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


105  East  Twenty-second  Street 
New  York  City 


FOREWORD 


IMPORTANT  CABLE  MESSAGES 

Just  as  this  pamphlet  was  about  to  go  to  press  the  following 
cable  message  was  received  from  Hon.  T.  Hara,  Premier  of  the 
Japanese  Cabinet: 

“I  desire  to  assure  you  that  the  report  of  abuses 
committed  by  agents  of  the  Japanese  Government  in 
Korea  has  been  engaging  my  most  serious  attention.  I 
am  fully  prepared  to  look  squarely  at  actual  facts.  As 
I have  declared  on  various  occasions,  the  regime  of 
administration  inaugurated  in  Korea  at  the  time  of  the 
annexation,  nearly  ten  years  ago,  calls  for  substantial 
modification  to  meet  the  altered  conditions  of  things. 
Ever  since  the  formation  of  the  present  Cabinet  in 
September  last,  I have  been  occupied  in  working  out 
the  scheme  of  needed  administrative  reforms  in  Korea. 

A comprehensive  plan  of  reorganization  with  this  object 
in  view  has  already  been  on  the  tapis.  For  obvious 
reasons  it  has  not  been  possible  to  proceed  at  once  to 
its  formal  adoption  in  the  presence  of  the  disturbances 
which  have  unfortunately  broken  out  in  various  parts 
of  the  peninsular. 

“In  view,  however,  of  the  recent  improvement  in 
the  situation,  the  contemplated  reform  can  now  be,  in 
my  estimation,  safely  introduced,  and  will  be  carried  into 
effect  as  soon  as  the  legal  requirements  of  procedure 
to  make  them  definitive  shall  have  been  completed. 
Announcement  of  the  plan  in  a more  complete  form 
shall  be  withheld  for  the  present,  but  I trust  that  the 
fixed  determination  with  which  my  colleagues  and  I 
have  been  endeavoring  to  promote  the  lasting  welfare 
of  our  Korean  kinsmen,  and  to  insure  a distinct  better- 
ment of  conditions  in  the  country  will  not  be  misunder- 
stood or  misconstrued.” 

The  foregoing  cablegram  was  received  July  10th  and  came 
in  answer  to  a cable  sent  him  June  26,  1919,  by  the  Commission 
on  Relations  with  the  Orient,  as  follows : 

“Agitation  regarding  Chosen  abuses  increasingly 
serious,  endangering  goodwill.  Cannot  withhold  facts. 

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Urgently  important  you  publish  official  statements  that 
abuses  have  ceased  and  reasonable  administrative  re- 
forms proceeding.  Can  you  cable  to  this  effect?  Address 
Fedcil— Commission  Relations  Orient,  Federal  Council 
Churches.,, 

At  an  earlier  date,  namely  April  20,  a cablegram  regarding 
the  Korean  situation  had  been  sent  by  Consul  General  Yada  to 
Viscount  Uchida,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Tokyo.  In 
reply  to  that  cablegram  the  following  message  was  received  by 
Mr.  Yada  and  handed  to  this  Commission  on  May  15,  1919: 
******* 

“Premier  Hara  has  for  some  time  past  been  most 
deeply  concerned  in  regard  to  the  introduction  of  reforms 
into  the  governmental  administration  of  Chosen.  He 
is  now  in  the  misdt  of  special  investigations  as  to  the 
best  methods  for  the  realization  of  these  reforms,  which 
might  be  seriously  interfered  with  and  made  more  diffi- 
cult were  the  press  of  foreign  countries  rashly  at  this 
time  to  incite  additional  excitement. 

“Therefore  you  are  instructed  to  explain  the  situa- 
tion as  above  stated  to  the  members  of  the  Federal 
Council  Commission,  conveying  to  them  at  the  same  time 
the  appreciation  on  my  part  of  their  cordial  and  friendly 
spirit  which  has  prompted  them  to  take  action  in  this 
present  trouble.  It  is  also  the  desire  of  the  Premier 
that  you  should  call  their  attention  more  especially  to 
the  gravity  of  the  whole  affair  if  it  is  not  handled  in  a 
proper  way,  and  ask  for  the  continuance  of  their  sane 
and  moderate  attitude.” 

******* 

These  cable  messages  indicate  the  earnestness  with  which 
this  Commission,  the  Consul  General  Yada  and  the  Premier  of 
Japan  himself  have  been  acting  in  response  to  the  appeals  that 
have  come  from  Korea. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  Premier  Hara  and  his 
colleagues  will  exert  their  fullest  power  to  rectify  the  wrongs 
and  inaugurate  a new  era  in  Korea. 

WM.  I.  HAVEN,  Chairman, 
SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  Secretary. 


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THE  JAPAN-KOREAN  SITUATION 


Early  in  March  telegraphic  news  from  Shanghai  and  Tientsin 
began  to  tell  of  a remarkable  uprising  for  independence  in  Korea, 
which,  it  was  alleged,  the  Japanese  Government  was  suppressing 
with  great  brutality.  In  April  letters  began  to  arrive  verifying 
the  telegraphic  news,  and  giving  considerable  detail.  These  let- 
ters and  reports  came  through  many  indirect  channels  in  order 
to  escape  a rigid  censorship  and  were  addressed  to  the  Secretaries 
of  Foreign  Mission  Boards  having  missions  in  Korea.  Copies  of 
letters  from  missionaries  to  friends  and  kindred  in  America  were 
also  forwarded  by  them  to  these  board  secretaries. 

All  appealed  for  some  action  in  America  that  would  save 
the  Koreans  from  the  brutal  and  inhuman  treatment  to  which 
they  were  being  ruthlessly  subjected. 

About  the  middle  of  April  the  first  person  who  came  direct 
from  Korea,  bringing  personal  knowledge  of  the  situation,  and 
arriving  in  New  York,  was  Rev.  A.  E.  Armstrong,  Secretary  of 
the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Canada.  He  had  spent  ten  months  in  the  Far  East,  visiting 
the  stations  of  his  board  in  China,  Manchuria,  Korea  and  Japan, 
and  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  from  Yokohama  for  America 
when  he  received  a wire  urging  an  immediate  revisit  to  Korea. 
He  reached  Seoul  March  16,  was  there  for  three  days  in  consulta- 
tion with  various  parties,  getting  full  and  accurate  information. 

On  reaching  New  York  he  at  once  consulted  Dr.  Arthur 
J.  Brown,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church  of  the  United  States,  Dr.  Frank  Mason 
North,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  the  United  States,  and  Dr.  Wil- 
liam I.  Haven,  Secretary  of  the  American  Bible  Society.  The 
subject  matter  to  be  dealt  with  was  of  such  a nature  that  they 
thought  it  could  best  be  handled  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America  rather  than  by  the  Mission  Boards. 

A meeting  was  therefore  called  of  the  Commission  on  Rela- 
tions with  the  Orient  of  the  Federal  Council  of  Churches  on 
April  16th.  Since  that  date  the  Commission  has  held  a dozen 

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meetings  in  connection  with  this  question,  not  only  to  study  it, 
but  also  to  take  such  action  as  might  seem  wise.  To  two  of  the 
meetings  a group  of  important  Japanese  in  New  York  City  were 
invited.  Urgent  and  full  cablegrams  were  promptly  sent  to 
Japan  by  some  of  these  Japanese  friends. 

The  Commission  sought  by  these  quiet  and  friendly  methods 
to  exert  influences  that  would  secure  real  results.  It  deemed 
it  only  fair  and  just  to  take  up  the  matter  first  with  the 
Japanese  before  giving  to  the  daily  press  the  rapidly  accumulat- 
ing material  from  Korea.  This  has  been  done.  The  Commission 
now  feels  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  full  and  accurate 
information  in  its  possession  should  be  made  available  for  the 
public. 

The  documents  printed  in  the  following  pages  the  Commis- 
sion believes  to  be  thoroughly  reliable.  More  than  thirty 
American  and  British  individuals  in  Korea  have  shared  in  their 
preparation.  Some  of  the  documents  are  carefully  prepared  re- 
ports by  committees ; some  are  personal  letters ; some  are  signed 
affidavits  of  eyewitnesses.  If  all  the  material  in  hand  were 
published  a volume  of  about  1,000  pages  would  result. 

One  of  the  reports  covers  114  closely  packed  pages.  In 
these  days  of  excitement  and  political  turmoil  in  many  lands  we 
must  accept  with  caution  extreme  statements  that  are  not 
capable  of  proof.  Many  exaggerations  have  been  circulated. 
The  facts  described  in  the  following  pages  speak  for  themselves. 

The  Commission  gives  this  material  to  the  public  for  two 
principal  reasons.  First,  because  it  wishes  that  every  possible 
influence  may  be  brought  to  bear  for  the  protection  of  Koreans 
from  inhuman  treatment  and  injustice.  Second,  because  there 
is  need  of  a sound  and  enlightened  public  opinion  here  in  Amer- 
ica, a public  opinion  that  will  strengthen  the  progressive,  anti- 
militaristic forces  in  Japan  in  their  efforts  to  secure  justice  and 
fair  dealing  in  Korea. 

The  Commission  wishes  to  state  with  utmost  clearness  that 
as  a Commission  it  is  not  concerning  itself  with  the  political 
questions  involved  in  the  Korean  Independence  Movement. 
Whether  or  not  Korea  should  be  granted  political  independence 
is  not  a question  upon  which  it  is  called  to  express  judgment. 
The  Commission  is,  however,  concerned  with  all  right-minded 
men  that  brutality,  torture,  inhuman  treatment,  religious  persecu- 

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tion,  and  massacres  shall  cease  everywhere.  The  evidence  of  the 
wide  prevalence  of  such  deeds  in  Korea  has  become  convincing. 

In  dealing  with  this  situation,  there  is  need  of  an  accuratelv 
informed  and  just  public  opinion,  able  in  its  criticism  of  Japan  to 
discriminate  between  the  reactionary  and  militaristic  forces  on  the 
one  hand  and  those  that  are  liberal  and  progressive  on  the  other 
hand.  Wholesome  and  fair  criticism  will  recognize  the  disaster 
that  has  come  upon  the  whole  world  through  the  spirit  and  prac- 
tice of  militarism.  Japan,  too,  has  been  caught  in  its  meshes.  But 
in  Japan,  too,  as  in  other  lands,  there  is  a liberal  anti-militaristic 
movement,  led  by  humane  and  progressive  men  who,  we  believe, 
share  the  distress  of  mind  which  their  friends  in  America  feel 
over  what  is  being  done  in  Korea. 

The  present  Cabinet,  having  as  Premier  the  first  “Com- 
moner” who  has  risen  to  that  high  post  of  responsibility,  though 
liberal  itself,  is  the  heir  of  the  disastrous  militaristic  policies  and 
methods  of  preceding  cabinets.  There  is  good  ground  for  belief 
that  even  before  the  uprising  it  was  earnestly  grappling  with  the 
problem  of  administrative  reform  in  Korea.  The  turmoil  has 
halted  its  program.  Its  political  foes,  moreover,  bureaucratic  and 
militaristic,  are  many  and  strong  and  are  watching  for  any  oppor- 
tunity for  causing  the  downfall  of  the  cabinet 

Americans  should  give  the  strongest  possible  moral  support 
to  the  progressive  and  anti-militaristic  movements  in  that  land. 
This  we  can  do,  especially  in  this  instance,  as  just  indicated  above, 
not  by  wholesale  condemnation  of  the  Japanese  Government 
and  people,  but  by  distinguishing  between  the  reactionary,  autocratic 
forces  that  have  too  largely  dominated  her  policies  and  leaders  in 
the  past  and  the  new  liberal  policies  and  leaders  that  are  now  coming 
to  the  fore.  Hope  for  Korea,  and  indeed  for  China  and  the 
whole  world  lies  in  the  overthrow  of  militarism  in  Japan,  as 
in  every  land,  and  in  the  firm  establishment  of  civil  liberty  and 
popular  rights  for  every  section  of  the  population. 

WILLIAM  I.  HAVEN,  Chairman, 
SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  Secretary, 

Commission  on  Relations  with  the  Orient  of  the  Federal  Council 
of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America. 


7 


Exhibit  I 

THE  DISTURBANCES  IN  KOREA 

By 


March  21,  1919. 

Korea  at  the  present  time  would  be  a fertile  field  for 
another  Bryce  investigating  commission.  Because  the  stirrings 
of  the  present  age  have  reached  Korea  and  have  roused  her 
people  to  demand  freedom,  the  Japanese  military  system  has 
since  the  first  of  March  exhibited  all  the  characteristics  of  the 
Prussian  machine  which  was  recently  smashed  in  Europe. 
Many  of  the  atrocities  perpetrated  in  Belgium  have  been  du- 
plicated in  Korea.  According  to  one  newspaper  six  thousand 
Koreans  are  now  in  jails  and  prisons,  and  this  is  probably  below 
the  actual  number.  The  movement  for  more  freedom  is  country- 
wide ; its  propagandists  include  Christians,  members  of  the 
reformed  native  cult,  the  Chuntokyo,  and  Buddhists.  Students 
of  government  schools  are  equally  involved  with  those  of  Mis- 
sion schools.  And  in  the  name  of  “law  and  order”  countless 
offenses  against  humanity  are  daily  being  committed. 


The  Japanese  Colonial  System 

Japan  established  a protectorate  over  Korea  in  1908,  and 
in  1910  formally  annexed  the  country.  Prior  to  the  annexation 
the  administrative  system  was  chaotic.  By  stern  enforcement 
the  Japanese  have  introduced  quiet  and  order,  have  commenced 
to  exploit  the  natural  resources  of  the  country,  set  up  a judiciary, 
developed  the  beginning  of  an  educational  system,  improved  com- 
munications, and  cultivated  hygiene.  There  is  no  denying  the 
fact  that  many  reforms  have  been  brought  about  under  Japanese 
auspices.  But  the  methods  employed  in  governing  Korea  have 
not  won  the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  genius  of  the  Japanese 
people  is  attracted  by  systems  which  are  autocratic.  Their  police 
system  is  German  to  the  core ; and  in  their  colonial  government 
they  have  taken  the  Prussian  rather  than  the  British  method 
as  their  model.  The  sword  is  the  emblem  of  authority.  Not 
only  is  it  carried  by  the  military,  gendarmerie  and  police,  but 
by  the  civilian  members  of  the  civil  service.  Every  male  school 

8 


teacher  wears  a sword ; in  fact,  almost  every  one  who  holds 
a government  office  carries  a sword  as  the  symbol  of  his 
authority.  To  bolster  up  the  militaristic  system  a vast  system 
of  espionage  exists.  Consequently  there  is  no  freedom  of  as- 
sembly, no  free  speech,  no  freedom  of  the  press.  And  there  is 
no  right  of  petition  of  grievances  with  immunity  from  arrest. 
Needless  to  say,  there  is  no  participation  in  self-government. 
In  the  law  courts  it  is  alleged  that  a Korean  has  no  chance  in 
a suit  with  a Japanese.  Habeas  corpus  is  unknown.  The  state 
has  a right  to  keep  a prisoner  for  two  weeks  or  more  before 
producing  him  in  open  court,  and  if  it  desires  by  means  of  secur- 
ing extensions  of  ten  days  ad  lib.  need  not  produce  a prisoner 
in  practice  until  it  desires  to  do  so.  The  prisoner  is  not  allowed 
to  consult  a lawyer  or  to  see  l)is  friends.  Torture  is  freely 
applied,  and  a man  is  considered  guilty  until  proved  innocent. 
Neither  is  the  Korean  permitted  to  enjoy  many  offices  of  emolu- 
ment under  the  government.  There  are  some  Korean  police 
and  gendarmes,  but  there  are  very  few  Koreans  in  other  depart- 
ments of  the  civil  service.  Korea  is  a paradise  for  the  Japanese 
job-hunter.  Efforts  have  been  made  by  government  officials 
to  deprave  the  youth  of  Korea.  Commercialized  prostitution 
is  flourishing  and  is  extending  from  the  capital  to  the  country 
parts.  A manifesto  describing  the  grievances  of  the  people  has 
been  issued  by  the  independence  committee.  Another  grievance 
which  strikes  deeply  to  the  heart  of  the  Korean  is  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Japanese  to  drive  out  the  use  of  the  Korean 
language  from  the  schools.  The  proclamation  which  provides 
that  Japanese  is  to  be  the  sole  language  of  instruction  comes 
into  force  in  1920.  The  lesson  of  Poland  and  other  countries 
seems  to  be  lost  upon  the  Japanese.  Then  there  seems  to  be  an 
organized  attempt  to  deprive  the  Koreans  in  the  southern  part 
of  Korea — which  is  the  warmer  portion — of  their  land  and  to 
force  them  to  emigrate  to  Manchuria.  Pressure  is  put  upon 
the  Korean  landholder  or  tenant  to  sell,  usually  at  a disad- 
vantageous price,  and  he  and  his  family  go  North  to  make  a 
new  home.  Japanese  settlers  replace  the  Korean.  This  policy 
is  fostered  by  a semi-official  company  called  the  Oriental  De- 
velopment Company,  which  receives  valuable  concessions  from 
the  government.  A veteran  missionary  summed  up  the  'situation 
trenchantly  the  other  day  in  these  words : “This  that  builds 

9 


railways,  constructs  roads,  promotes  education,  understands 
hygiene,  is  none  the  less  German.” 

Japanese  Reform  Tendencies 

In  a word,  the  whole  system  of  government  throughout 
the  Japanese  Empire  reflects  the  German  system  in  this— that 
the  civil  arm  of  the  government  is  dominated  by  the  military. 
Last  September,  the  bureaucratic  ministry  of  Count  Terauchi 
fell,  and  was  succeeded  by  that  of  Mr.  Hara.  The  new  ministry 
was  acclaimed  by  the  Japanese  press  as  the  first  democratic 
government  that  Japan  has  had,  and  from  its  acts  it  would  seem 
to  deserve  the  title.  Shortly  after  the  Diet  opened,  one  of  the 
new  ministers  replied  to  a question  enquiring  what  would  be 
the  colonial  policy  of  the  new  ministry,  that  the  government 
realized  that  they  could  not  continue  to  rule  the  colonies  by 
Imperial  ordinances,  but  that  new  methods  were  under  con- 
sideration. The  minister  could  not  say  when  they  would  go 
into  effect.  Later  press  references  seemed  to  reveal  an  inner 
struggle  in  the  government,  the  civil  element  apparently  wish- 
ing to  replace  the  military  government  of  Korea  by  a civilian 
administration,  and  the  militarists  opposing  any  such  transforma- 
tion. At  the  present  moment  the  militarist  element  is  vociferat- 
ing in  the  daily  press  that  it  is  impossible  for  Japan  to  ratify 
the  action  of  its  delegates  at  the  Peace  Conference  in  regard 
to  the  abolition  of  conscription.  This  by  the  way : On  March 
1st,  a monster  popular  demonstration  took  place  in  Tokyo,, 
demanding  manhood  suffrage ; and  the  Hara  ministry  a few  days, 
later  introduced  an  electoral  reform  bill  which  has  passed  the; 
popular  house,  greatly  extending  the  franchise.  It  would  appear 
therefore  that  democracy  is  slowly  gaining  in  the  heart  of  the 
Empire,  and  that  there  were  hopes  for  a brighter  day  for  the 
colonies  from  that  end. 

The  Genesis  of  the  Korean  Independence  Movement 

Meanwhile  a series  of  happenings  combined  to  precipitate 
a crisis  in  Korea.  The  first  of  these  was  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence and  the  dissemination  of  the  doctrine  of  self-determination 
of  races.  The  following  story  was  told  to  a representative 
group  of  missionaries  by  the  Minister  of  Internal  Affairs  of  the 

10 


Government  General  of  Chosen.  He  stated  that  the  government 
had  information  that  a Korean  had  interviewed  President  Wil- 
son before  he  had  left  for  Paris,  and  asked  the  President  if  he 
would  bring  up  the  question  of  Korea  at  the  Conference.  The 
President  replied,  it  is  alleged,  that  the  Conference  could  only 
deal  with  countries  which  were  affected  by  the  war,  and  that 
the  question  of  a country  at  peace  as  Korea  was  could  not  be 
properly  raised.  The  interviewer  then  asked  whether  if  it  could 
be  unmistakably  shown  that  the  Koreans  were  dissatisfied  would 
the  case  of  Korea  then  be  discussed  at  the  Peace  Conference? 
To  which  the  President  is  reported  to  have  said  that  in  that  case 
he  would  not  say  that  it  could  not  be.  According  to  informa- 
tion from  other  sources  it  seems  that  this  is  quite  a likely  story. 
There  are  many  Koreans  in  the  Western  States,  in  Hawaii, 
Siberia  and  China,  and  throughout  all  the  centres  of  Korean 
population  the  movement  for  independence  rapidly  spread. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Peace  Conference  formed  another 
link  in  the  chain  of  events.  The  League  of  Nations,  the  Gospel 
of  the  right  of  small  nations  to  self-determination,  the  reviving 
of  oppressed  nations  set  free  by  the  war,  all  fired  the  imagination 
of  the  educated  Koreans. 

Then  an  event  nearer  home  occurred  to  bring  out  national 
feeling.  On  January  20th  the  ex-Emperor  of  Korea  died  just 
on  the  eve  of  the  marriage  of  his  son  to  a Japanese  princess. 
It  was  officially  reported  that  the  ex-Emperor’s  death  was  due 
to  apoplexy.  But  rumors  got  into  circulation  that  his  death  was 
due  either  to  suicide  or  poisoning.  It  was  claimed  that  he  had 
refused  to  sign  a paper  which  stated  that  the  Koreans  were 
contented  under  Japanese  rule  and  was  made  away  with  because 
lie  had  refused  to  do  so.  It  has  been  officially  denied  that  any 
such  paper  was  ever  presented  to  the  ex-ruler.  The  news  of  the 
ex-Emperor’s  death  was  suppressed  for  a time. 

Arrangements  were  made  for  the  funeral.  The  Diet  at 
Tokyo  adjourned  out  of  respect,  after  voting  100,000  yen 
towards  the  funeral  expenses.  The  consort  of  the  ex-Emperor 
who  had  been  assassinated  in  1894  was  buried  not  far  out  of 
the  East  Gate  of  Seoul.  It  had  been  decided  that  the  king 
should  be  buried  about  seventeen  miles  from  the  city,  and  in 
accordance  with  Korean  custom  it  was  necessary  to  bury  the 
queen  by  his  side.  Consequently  the  body  of  the  queen  was 

11 


disinterred,  and  on  February  12th  the  reburial  ceremonies  were 
begun  and  carried  through  with  great  pomp,  all  of  the  expenses 
being  borne  by  the  Koreans. 

These  events  brought  back  to  the  Koreans  in  a poignant  way 
the  remembrance  of  their  national  humiliation.  March  3rd  was 
set  for  the  date  of  the  ex-Emperor’s  funeral,  and  it  had  been 
arranged  that  the  ceremonies  inside  the  city  should  be  Japanese 
and  outside  the  city  Korean.  Needless  to  say,  the  arrangements 
for  the  Japanese  part  of  the  ceremony  were  not  made  with 
the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  Koreans. 

Demonstrations  Begin 

The  atmosphere  was  becoming  tense.  Evidently  the  au- 
thorities had  an  inkling  that  something  was  brewing,  for  the 
principals  of  schools  were  called  before  the  Prefect  at  the  City 
Hall,  and  told  to  warn  their  students  not  to  be  led  away  by 
the  actions  of  the  Korean  students  in  Japan.  It  should  be  stated 
here  that  during  February  the  Korean  students  who  were  attend- 
ing the  various  colleges  in  Japan  had  started  a movement  for 
the  self-determination  of  Korea,  and  many  had  been  imprisoned. 

On  Saturday,  March  1st,  notices  were  posted  on  the  streets 
of  Seoul  that  public  gatherings  would  be  held  at  Pagoda  Park, 
and  printed  proclamations  of  independence  signed  by  thirty- 
three  men  were  distributed.  Shortly  after  noon  a large  num- 
ber of  the  signers  of  this  manifesto  met  at  a Korean  hotel  and 
telephoned  to  the  authorities  that  they  had  declared  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  country,  announcing  where  they  were.  The 
authorities  thereupon  sent  and  arrested  them.  The  police  pub- 
lished in  the  newspapers  that  they  had  surrounded  the  ring- 
leaders in  an  eating  house  as  they  were  drinking  success  to  their 
plot. 

Meanwhile  the  people,  including  many  students,  had  gath- 
ered at  the  park,  and  from  there  started  to  parade  some  of  the 
principal  streets.  They  walked  along  in  an  orderly  way,  with 
hands  held  aloft,  calling  their  national  cry  of  “Mansei,”  which 
means  “ten  thousand  years.”  In  front  of  public  buildings  such 
as  police  headquarters  and  the  various  Consulates  they  would 
stop  and  take  off  their  hats  and  wave  them,  uttering  their  cry 
of  “Mansei.”  At  the  Consulates  they  sent  in  letters  and  their 
proclamation  manifesto.  No  single  act  of  violence  was  done.  At 


one  point  mounted  gendarmes  charged  the  crowd  and  inflicted 
some  sabre  cuts.  The  police  were  arresting  as  many  as  they 
could,  and  all  that  evening  and  on  the  following  day,  Sunday, 
men  were  being  arrested  at  their  homes  on  suspicion  of  having 
been  connected  with  the  demonstration.  Of  the  thirty^three 
signers  fifteen  were  members  of  the  native  cult,  the  Chuntokyo ; 
fifteen  were  Christians  and  three  were  Buddhists.  Of  the  Chris- 
tians the  majority  were  ministers  of  the  various  city  churches, 
many  of  them  college  trained  men ; one  was  a Y.  M.  C.  A.  secre- 
tary, another  was  connected  with  the  Severance  Hospital.  Since 
that  day  arrests  have  been  made  daily,  until  at  present  there  is 
scarcely  a city  church  which  has  not  its  minister  locked  up. 

On  Sunday,  March  2nd,  no  demonstrations  occurred  in  Seoul. 
The  following  day  was  the  day  of  the  ex-king’s  funeral.  The 
schools  had  been  allocated  definite  places  along  the  line  of  march 
for  the  Japanese  ceremonies.  Not  one  of  the  higher  schools, 
government,  private  or  mission,  was  represented  by  any  but 
the  members  of  the  faculties.  The  students  cut  the  ceremony 
dead.  The  funeral  was  a military  spectacle.  The  first  section, 
which  consisted  of  naval  and  military  detachments,  took  eighteen 
minutes  to  pass  a given  point.  The  second  section,  which  took 
in  the  Shinto  priests,  the  bier,  and  the  governmental  representa- 
tives and  functionaries,  was  not  so  large,  and  the  third  section 
was  a line  of  troops  and  sailors  almost  as  long  as  the  first.  The 
following  day  was  quiet  in  Seoul,  the  Korean  ceremonies  taking 
place  outside  the  city.  These  two  days  were  school  holidays. 

The  next  day,  March  5th,  not  a single  student  in  the  higher 
schools  was  in  his  place,  and  rumors  began  to  come  to  the  heads 
of  schools  that  there  would  be  no  more  students  until  the 
country  had  secured  its  independence.  Since  that  time,  nearly 
a month  ago,  not  a higher  school  has  been  able  to  open. 

On  Wednesday,  March  5th,  at  the  stroke  of  nine  in  the 
morning,  commotion  was  heard  on  the  main  street  in  front  of 
the  railway  station.  Young  men  were  swarming  out  of  the 
stores  and  alleys  and  making  toward  the  railway  station,  calling 
out  their  national  cry.  In  a remarkably  brief  time,  a man  in 
a rickisha  started  up  the  street  toward  the  South  Gate,  sur- 
rounded by  the  throng,  Who  with  uplifted  arms,  carrying  red 
bands,  ran  through  the  gate  and  into  the  old  city  toward  the 
palace.  This  demonstration  was  composed  almost  entirely  of 

13 


students,  and  as  it  proceeded  was  joined  by  high  school  girls. 
The  police  apparently  had  been  taken  by  surprise,  for  the  demon- 
strators had  run  about  half  a mile  before  they  were  opposed. 
In  the  large  open  space  in  front  of  the  palace,  the  police  were 
drawn  up  and  charged  the  crowd  with  sabres.  Many  wounds 
were  inflicted.  No  respect  was  shown  to  sex,  girls  being 
handled  roughly  and  beaten.  Hundreds  of  arrests  were  made, 
including  a number  of  the  school  girls.  No  violence  was 
attempted  by  the  students.  Their  object  apparently  was  merely 
to  demonstrate,  and  they  considered  it  an  honor  to  be  arrested 
for  their  country.  Nearly  all  of  the  student  nurses  at  Severance 
Hospital  rushed  out  when  the  crowd  passed  by  the  street.  They 
were  carrying  bandages  and  were  prepared  to  do  Red  Cross 
work  if  required.  Fifteen  were  arrested  and  were  held  in  the 
police  station  until  afternoon.  They  were  questioned  closely 
as  to  whether  the  heads  of  their  institutions  (the  missionaries) 
had  ordered  them  out.  The  younger  high  school  girls  who 
were  taken  did  not  fare  so  well.  Most  were  kept  in  custody, 
and  more  will  be  told  of  their  sufferings  in  the  jails  later. 

Various  other  demonstrations  occurred.  The  street  railway 
employees  struck  for  several  days  as  a protest.  The  Korean 
shopkeepers  put  up  their  shutters,  and  have  kept  their  stores 
closed  for  over  three  weeks.  The  literati  prepared  a petition 
sending  it  to  the  office  of  the  Governor  General  by  the  hands 
of  a Christian  preacher  and  a non-Christian.  At  the  office  of 
the  Governor  they  were  told  that  such  documents  should  be 
received  at  the  police  department.  To  the  police  they 
accordingly  went,  and  were  immediately  arrested.  It  should 
be  noted  that  the  independence  manifesto  and  the  petition 
of  the  literati  are  both  couched  in  stately  phraseology  and 
breathe  a spirit  of  charity  toward  those  who  have  inflicted 
on  the  Korean  nation  a mental  “reign  of  terror.”  (Later  another 
petition  was  prepared  by  men  who  had  been  ennobled  by  the 
Japanese  after  the  annexation,  one  of  these  men  being  the  man 
who  in  1866  had  petitioned  the  Korean  ruler  to  conclude  a treaty 
with  Japan  and  open  Korea  to  the  West.  This  man  being  over 
eighty  years  of  age  and  too  weak  to  rise  from  his  bed  was  not 
arrested,  but  all  his  male  relatives  were  taken  into  custody  and 
a cordon  of  soldiers  posted  about  his  house.  The  other  was 
immediately  arrested.  Both  are  viscounts.) 

14 


Demonstrations  Outside  the  Capital 

Synchronizing  with  the  outbreaks  at  Seoul,  demonstrations 
of  a similar  nature  occurred  at  the  leading  centers  throughout 
the  country.  Again,  they  were  orderly.  But  the  minions  of  the 
law  at  the  outside  centers,  where  there  were  fewer  foreign  eyes 
to  see  what  took  place,  behaved  in  many  places  with  the  utmost 
ferocity.  The  crowds  were  fired  on  and  deaths  occurred.  Two 
cases  of  gunshot  wounds  were  sent  in  from  a point  in  the 
North  to  Severance  Hospital.'  At  Pyengyang,  a large  center, 
foreign  observers  report  that  the  crowds  were  attacked  by  the 
members  of  the  fire  brigade  who  were  armed  with  their  hooks 
which  are  used  to  pull  the  burning  thatch  off  the  houses.  Many 
ugly  wounds  were  inflicted.  Five  men  died  in  a hospital  from 
gunshot  wounds,  but  the  authorities  are  reported  to  have  issued 
orders  that  the  deaths  must  not  be  reported  as  due  to  that 
cause.  In  the  North  the  authorities  seem  to  have  decided  to 
penalize  the  Christian  population,  and  churches  have  been  wan- 
tonly destroyed.  In  many  cases  the  police  have  questioned 
demonstrators  and  have  arrested  only  those  who  admitted  being 
Christians.  An  attempt  was  made  to  get  twenty-four  wealthy 
Koreans  to  sign  a statement  which  said  that  the  thirty-three 
signers  were  low-class  people.  They  refused  to  do  so,  and  pres- 
sure was  brought  to  bear  on  them  for  several  days  before  the 
attempt  was  given  up.  It  should  be  said  here,  to  make  this 
point  clear,  that  wealthy  men  are  compelled  to  submit  to 
periodical  police  audits  of  their  private  finances.  There  is  no 
halfway  government  in  Korea. 

In  Hamheung,  a point  on  the  East  Coast,  where  the  Cana- 
dian Presbyterians  have  a Mission  Station,  scenes  similar  to 
those  at  Pyengyang  were  enacted.  The  fire  brigade  and  coolies 
armed  with  clubs  perpetrated  outrages  on  the  people.  An  eye- 
witness statement  by  Rev.  is  in  our  possession.  Here  the 

authorities  refused  to  let  those  injured  be  treated  in  the  Mis- 
sion Hospital.  Mr.  had  occasion  to  go  to  the  police 

station  during  the  demonstrations  and  saw  in  a tent  the 
fire  brigade,  with  their  hooked  poles  in  hand,  and  coolies  armed 
with  clubs,  waiting  for  the  signal  to  leave  the  police  compound 
to  attack  the  crowd.  The  conclusion  is  irresistible  that  these 
men  were  under  the  orders  of  the  police.  An  attempt  was  made 

15 


by  the  chief  of  police  to  intimidate  the  foreigners  by  saying  that 
their  lives  were  in  danger  from  the  non-Christians,  but  refused 
to  be  bluffed,  and  told  the  chief  that  he  would  be  held  responsible 
for  any  harm  that  befell  the  foreigners. 

It  is  not  possible  at  this  time  to  record  in  detail  all  of  the 
uprisings  in  various  places.  These  are  fair  samples  of  what 
occurred  throughout  the  country.  The  truth  will  eventually 
come  out  as  to  what  has  happened  in  places  where  no  foreigners 
were  present  to  record  what  has  transpired. 

In  the  official  press  reports,  particularly  those  which  came 
out  in  the  early  stages,  the  missionaries  were  openly  accused 
as  being  the  instigators  of  the  movement,  and  capital  was  made 
out  of  the  fact  that  so  many  Christians  were  concerned  in  it. 
Every  effort  was  made  to  minimize  the  part  played  by  other 
sections  of  the  population.  The  police  reporters  played  up  the 
Christian  schools  and  glossed  over  the  facts  in  regard  to  the 
participation  of  the  government  school  students  and  the 
Buddhists.  At  the  demand  of  the  American'  Consul,  official 
statements  have  since  appeared  that  the  government  discredits 
the  stories  of  missionary  instigation,  but  the  police  reports  and 
vernacular  press  still  continue  to  print  them. 

Police  Atrocities 

Beating  and  torture  are  the  cardinal  principles  of  police 
methods  in  Korea.  When  making  arrests,  usually  the  victim 
is  cuffed  and  kicked  by  several  policemen.  In  the  demonstra- 
tion of  March  5th,  a student  noticed  that  the  girl  he  was  en- 
gaged to  was  being  attacked  by  several  policemen.  He  went 
to  her  rescue,  and  was  at  once  set  upon  by  several  police- 
men and  severely  beaten.  He  was  a>rrested  and  has  not  yet 
been  released,  having  now  been  in  custody  about  three  weeks. 
Instances  are  not  infrequent  where  Japanese  in  civilian  clothes 
have  arrested  demonstrators  in  the  presence  of  the  police  and 
have  treated  them  shamefully.  Stories  of  this  kind  come  from 
Pyengyang  and  other  points  as  well  as  Seoul. 

From  released  prisoners  stories  of  cruelty  and  torture  are 
now  pouring  out.  One  student  was  asked  to  tell  who  the  lead- 
ers were,  and  his  finger  nails  were  pushed  back  from  the  skin 
to  assist  his  memory.  Still  another  prisoner  had  his  finger  tips 

10 


burned  for  the  same  purpose.  Still  another  was  put  in  an  up- 
right press,  which  operated  with  a screw  from  the  back.  When 
the  screw  is  turned,  the  four  sides  contract,  and  while  the 
pressure  becomes  stronger,  the  questioning  is  carried  on — a way 
of  squeezing  out  information.  After  being  subjected  to  this  tor- 
ture, the  same  man  had  a strong  cord  tied  around  the  middle 
finger  of  his  right  hand;  the  cord  was  then  passed  through  a 
hook  in  the  ceiling,  and  his  body  was  pulled  up  until  he  was 
resting  on  the  tips  of  his  toes.  He  became  insensible  during 
the  process,  and  when  he  awoke  found  himself  lying  down  while 
a' salve  was  being  applied  to  his  wounds.  He  left  the  jail  with 
a swollen  hand,  which  had  to  be  lanced  immediately. 

The  girls  fared  even  worse.  For  the  first  few  days  atter 
being  arrested  they  were  confined  in  the  several  police  stations. 
As  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  no  matrons  were  on  duty  in  those 
jails.  Of  course,  the  girls  were  not  allowed  to  communicate 
with  relatives  or  friends.  The  main  facts  in  the  story  of  one 
released  girl  are  as  follows : A few  hours  after  being  arrested 
she  was  brought  before  an  officer,  questioned  and  beaten  by  him 
on  the  face,  shoulders  and  legs.  The  following  day  the  same 
process  was  repeated  before  a second  officer.  The  third  day 
she  was  taken  before  a third  officer,  who  called  her  by  vile 
names,  and  insinuated  that  she  and  the  other  girl  prisoners 
were  pregnant.  “You  can  cut  us  open  and  see,”  she  retorted. 
He  then  said  that  the  Bible  taught  that  sinless  people  were 
naked  (some  coarse  references  to  Adam  and  Eve  being  intended) 
and  ordered  her  to  disrobe.  She  cried,  and  he  did  not  press 
his  demand.  She  was  again  beaten,  and  the  fourth  day  before 
still  another  officer  she  was  questioned  and  beaten  again.  One 
of  her  ordeals  was  to  kneel  down  on  the  floor  and  hold  a heavy 
board  at  arms’  length  for  an  hour.  If  her  arm  trembled  she 
was  beaten  again.  The  girls  were  always  accompanied  to  the 
toilet  under  guard.  On  the  fifth  day  she  was  removed  to  the 
West  Gate  prison.  She  and  two  other  girls  were  summoned  to 
an  officer’s  desk.  She  was  told  to  wait  outside  while  her  two 
companions  went  in.  A little  later  she  saw  them  pass  out  stark 
naked,  with  hair  down  their  backs,  holding  their  clothes  in  a 
bundle  before  them.  She  was  then  called  in  and  found  two 
Japanese  matrons  present  with  the  officer.  After  being  ques- 
tioned by  the  officer,  she  was  ordered  by  the  matrons  to  take 

17 


off  her  clothes.  After  resisting  for  a time,  and  being  threat- 
ened, she  did  so.  Her  hair  had  first  been  taken  down  by  the 
matrons.  There  was  no  apparent  purpose  in  this  request  except 
to  humiliate  her.  After  standing  several  minutes  disrobed,  she 
was  told  to  follow  one  of  the  matrons.  She  wrapped  her  skirt 
around  her,  and  carrying  the  rest  of  her  clothes,  walked  through 
the  hall  to  a cell,  where  she  found  two  other  girls.  On  the  way 
thither  she  passed  several  male  employees  of  the  prison.  The 
following  day  she  was  taken  out  by  a matron  and  taken  to  a 
room  where  a very  youthful  Japanese  doctor  was  waiting.  Again 
she  was  ordered  to  disrobe  for  a physical  examination. 

After  a long  altercation  she  was  allowed  to  retain  one 
garment.  The  doctor  tapped  her  chest,  asked  no  questions 
whatever  about  her  health,  and  she  was  in  due  course  taken 
back  to  her  cell.  Several  days  later  a gold-braided  official  came 
into  her  cell,  asked  her  to  remove  her  waist,  examined  her  back 
and  chest,  and  left  the  cell.  Shortly  after  this  she  and  a few 
other  girls  were  released.  They  were  handed  over  to  relatives 
or  school  principals  who  had  been  notified  to  be  in  attendance. 
They  were  constantly  guarded  by  matrons  while  in  the  cells, 
were  not  allowed  to  talk,  had  to  remain  in  a very  irksome  squat- 
ting position  all  day,  and  were  beaten  if  they  changed  their  posi- 
tion. They  were  allowed  fifteen  minutes  open-air  walking  daily 
after  breakfast.  ^ 

When  stories  of  torture  and  cruelty  to  prisoners  became 
current  among  the  missionary  community,  the  Seoul  Press  ran 
a couple  of  editorial  articles  pointing  out  that  the  Koreans  were 
“atrocious  liars,,  and  that  the  stories  of  cruelties  had  been 
investigated  and  that  the  prison  authorities  assured  them  that 
no  tortures  were  taking  place.  When  a missionary  showed  this 
article  to  a Japanese,  he  naively  replied  that  it  was  intended 
to  mean  that  there  had  been  no  tortures  since  they  had  been 
sent  to  a certain  prison.  Another  foreigner  discussed  the  edi- 
torial with  the  editor  of  the  paper,  who  replied  that  he  knew 
there  were  cruelties,  but  that  in  making  that  statement  he  was 
“speaking  officially.” 

Indignities  to  Missionaries 

The  mission  body  has  not  escaped  uninjured.  At  Pyengyang, 
two  ladies  were  prodded  with  rifle  butts  as  they  walked  along 

18 


the  street.  Two  male  missionaries  were  arrested  there  while 
trying  to  protect  by  their  presence  only  a body  of  native  women 
whom  the  police  were  trying  to  arrest.  After  being  marched 
through  the  streets  guarded  by  soldiers  after  a stay  of  a few 
minutes  in  the  police  station,  they  were  released.  One  of  these 
men  was  the  Rev.  Stacy  L.  Roberts  and  the  other  the  Rev.  E.  W. 
Thwing  of  Peking,  whose  work  in  anti-opium  movements  has 
made  him  an  international  figure.  In  Southern  Korea  two  lady 
members  of  the  Australian  Presbyterian  Mission  were  arrested 
and  subsequently  released.  On  March  20th  the  Rev.  John 
Thomas,  a missionary  of  the  Oriental  Missionary  Society,  was 
attacked  by  soldiers  at  Kokei,  and  severely  beaten.  When  he 
produced  his  British  passport,  it  was  thrown  on  the  ground 
and  stamped  on,  as  was  also  a preaching  permit  which  had  been 
given  him  by  the  authorities.  All  of  these  cases  involved  con- 
sular action,  which  was  promptly  taken.  At  Syenchun  the 
homes  of  the  missionaries  were  searched  shortly  after  the  demon- 
strations began.  On  March  17th,  a body  of  police,  led  by  a 
procurator,  came  to  the  Severance  Union  Medical  College,  placed 
guards  at  all  the  gates  and  at  intervals  through  the  compound, 
and  searched  the  various  buildings  of  the  institution.  As  already 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Hamheung  incidents,  the  au- 
thorities have  tried  to  get  rid  of  their  responsibilities  for  the 
protection  of  foreigners.  Rumor  has  it  that  a certain  Consul 
was  asked  to  warn  his  nationals  to  keep  off  the  street  as  they 
could  not  guarantee  to  protect  them,  and  the  Consul  is  said 
to  have  replied  that  he  would  issue  no  such  warning  and  would 
hold  the  authorities  responsible  in  case  any  of  his  nationals  were 
molested.  Two  or  three  days  ago  the  leading  newspaper  in  the 
capital  in  an  inspired  editorial  invited  the  missionaries  to  confer 
with  the  authorities  as  to  the  best  means  of  bringing  the 
troubles  to  a close,  and  the  suggestions  of  the  missionary  body 
have  been  invited  by  some  representative  Japanese.  That  is  the 
status  of  the  matter  at  this  moment. 

On  Saturday,  March  22nd,  another  street  demonstration 
took  place  at  Seoul.  It  was  quickly  headed  off  and  a number 
of  arrests  made.  On  the  following  Sunday  evening  demonstra- 
tions broke  out  simultaneously  in  several  different  parts  of  the 
city.  At  the  East  Gate  bayonets  were  freely  used  and  many 
were  wounded.  There  are  persistent  reports  that  a number 

19 


of  deaths  occurred.  The  city  is  being  patrolled  by  soldiers  and 
is  virtually  under  martial  law.  It  has  been  so  since  March  1st. 

What  the  outcome  will  be  it  is  too  early  to  prophesy  at 
this  stage.  Whether  the  Koreans  will  weaken  in  their  stand 
for  complete  independence  or  pursue  their  policy  of  passive 
resistance  until  the  end,  or  whether  they  will  accept  a program 
of  fundamental  reforms,  cannot  be  foretold.  The  revelation  of 
the  organizing  ability  shown  in  the  movement  thus  far  is  the 
surprise  and  admiration  of  all  who  know  the  Koreans:  it  is  a 
veritable  renaissance.  There  are  many  Japanese  who  realize 
that  their  methods  of  colonial  administration  have  failed  to 
achieve  their  end,  and  who  are  sincerely  desirous  of  bringing 
about  a happier  condition.  Japan’s  system  has  been  wrong:  it 
was  a German  colonial  policy,  not  a British  one;  it  has  been 
an  effort  to  exploit  a people  and  benefit  them  at  the  same  time. 
It  has  been  an  effort  to  impose  “culture”  against  the  desires  of 
a people  with  a culture  of  its  own.  In  the  meantime,  whatever 
the  outcome,  publicity  will  help  both  Korea  and  Japan  in  their 
ascent  to  a higher  plane  of  civilization. 

Exhibit  II 

A GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  SITUATION  IN  KOREA 

By  a Committee 

April  7th  1919. 

It  may  be  well  to  give  you  a general  resume  of  the  situa- 
tion. For  some  time  past  the  Japanese  authorities  had  planned 
to  marry  the  young  Korean  prince,  called  the  Heir  to  Prince  Yi, 
to  a Japanese  princess,  the  marriage  to  be  a symbol  of  the 
amalgamation  of  the  two  peoples.  The  date  had  been  set  for 
January  25th,  and  preparations  made,  when  on  January  22nd  the 
father  of  the  prince,  the  ex-Emperor,  died  under  very  peculiar 
circumstances.  This  of  course  postponed  the  marriage,  and  from 
that  time  on  it  was  evident  to  all  that  the  Koreans  were  becom- 
ing agitated  in  mind.  Also  the  Peace  Conference  was  deliberat- 
ing in  Paris  and  the  principle  of  “self-determination  of  nations” 
evidently  appealed  to  Koreans  as  applicable  to  their  country. 
Koreans  living  outside  of  Korea,  in  China,  Hawaii  and  America, 
had  also  been  looking  for  some  opportunity  to  accomplish 
something  for  the  liberation  of  their  country,  and  were  evidently 

20  , 


in  touch  with  leaders  in  Korea.  How  all  these  streams  of  influ- 
ence acted  upon  each  other  we  do  not  know  precisely,  but  their 
interaction  resulted  in  a demonstration  which  first  broke  out 
on  March  1st,  two  days  before  the  date  set  for  the  funeral  of 
the  ex-Emperor. 

Thirty-three  representative  men  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try drew  up  and  signed  a declaration  which  they  printed  by  the 
thousands.  Fifteen  of  these  men  were  leaders  of  the  “Chun 
Do  Kyo”  (The  Heavenly  Way  Association),  which  perpetuates 
the  “Tonk  Hak”  and  “111  Chin  Whei”  movements,  which  were 
prominent  in  the  years  immediately  preceding  and  during  the 
Japanese  occupation  and  annexation  of  Korea.  Fifteen  others 
were  Christians,  and  included  some  of  our  most  prominent  pas- 
tors, such  as  Kil  Sun  Chu  of  Pyengyang  and  Yang  Chun  Paik 
of  Syenchun.  The  other  three  were  said  to  be  Buddhists.  The 
head  of  the  Chun  Do  Kyo  signed  first  and  Pastor  Kil  second. 

On  March  1st  these  thirty-three  men  met  in  Seoul,  sent  one 
of  their  number  to  one  of  the  parks  of  the  city  to  read  the 
declaration  of  independence  to  an  assembled  crowd  of  people, 
after  which  all  the  signers  surrendered  themselves  to  the  police. 
On  the  same  day  and  at  the  same  hour  similar  demonstrations 
were  held  in  seven  or  eight  other  cities  of  Korea.  At  these 
demonstrations  it  was  stated  that  the  participants,  although 
Christians  or  members  of  the  Chun  Do  Kyo  or  Buddhists,  as  the 
case  might  be,  were  acting  wholly  as  individuals.  It  was  fur- 
ther stated  that  the  movement  was  to  be  one  of  passive  resist- 
ance, no  property  was  to  be  destroyed  and  no  Japanese  or  others 
injured  in  any  way.  This  character  of  the  demonstration  has 
been  consistently  maintained  up  to  the  present  time  except  as 
qualified  by  statements  below,  police  reports  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  After  the  reading  of  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, Korean  flags  were  given  out  to  the  demonstrators, 
who  stood  up,  waving  them  and  shouting  “Hurrah  (Mansay) 
for  Korean  independence !” 

In  Seoul  thousands  of  people  had  gathered  for  the  funeral 
of  the  late  ex-Emperor,  and  on  this  day  surged  up  the  main 
streets  in  dense  crowds,  shouting  for  independence  but  other- 
wise conducting  themselves  in  an  orderly  manner.  In  Pyeng- 
yang and  other  cities,  also,  as  far  as  foreigners  have  witnessed 
the  demonstrations,  although  thousands  of  people  joined  in  the 

21 


demonstrations,  no  rioting  occurred.  The  next  day,  Sunday, 
was  quiet  although  Church  services  were  forbidden  in  some 
cities ; but  on  Monday  the  third  similar  demonstrations  were 
held  in  many  places  but  not  in  Seoul,  because  there  the  Koreans 
wished  to  have  nothing  mar  the  funeral  ceremonies  in  honor  of 
the  ex-Emperor. 

The  movement  was  so  secretly  organized  <that  neither  the 
missionaries  nor  the  secret  police  of  the  government  knew  what 
was  going  to  happen,  though  all  were  conscious  of  the  great 
tensity  of  the  time.  There  is,  moreover,  a remarkably  efficient 
organizing  power  apparently  directing  the  movement.  In  a 
very  few  days  it  spread  to  all  parts  of  the  land,  even  to  remote 
mountain  valleys.  The  police,  gendarmes  and  soldiers  were 
everywhere  called  out  to  disperse  the  crowds  and  to  arrest  the 
leaders.  The  first  day  or  so  no  very  rough  methods  were 
used,  but  from  then  on,  and  especially  out  in  the  country  dis- 
tricts the  most  brutal  methods  have  been  employed.  Men, 
women  and  children  have  been  repeatedly  kicked,  beaten  with 
fists  or  gun  butts,  bayoneted,  sabred  and  shot,  until  our  Mis- 
sion hospitals  and,  if  report  be  true,  the  government  and  other 
private  hospitals,  too,  are  filled  with  the  wounded;  Severance 
Hospital  having  cots  and  beds  in  every  available  space,  even 
the  hallways.  Testimony  gathered  from  these  wounded  is  con- 
sistent that  until  attacked  the  crowds  of  demonstrators  used 
no  force  but  simply  shouted  for  independence,  and  were  fired 
upon  or  otherwise  attacked.  In  one  place  after  the  crowd  was 
fired  upon  it  attacked  the  gendarmes,  killing  four,  and  in  sev- 
eral country  towns  gendarme  stations  are  said  to  have  been 
wrecked.  In  many  instances  the  gendarmes  and  soldiers  have 
made  no  attempt  at  arrests,  but  merely  fired  without  warning, 
and  have  often  fired  indiscriminately  in  the  direction  from 
which  cheering  was  heard.  In  addition  to  this,  even  women  have 
been  stripped  of  their  clothing  in  the  open  and  beaten  severely. 
Soldiers,  gendarmes  and  police  have  broken  into  houses,  and  not 
finding  the  men  they  wanted,  have  dragged  women  and  even 
children  around  by  the  hair  and  beaten  them.  In  one  case  at 
least  fire  was  used  to  torture  a man.  These  Hunnish  barbarities 
have  stirred  us  all  to  deepest  indignation  and  have  to  a certain 
extent  terrorized  the  people  who  were  expecting  merely  arrest, 
yet  they  remain  firm  in  their  determination,  although  they  are 

22 


changing  their  method  of  demonstration  and  protest  for  the  pur- 
pose of  saving  life.  For  instance,  in  the  cities  of  Seoul  and 
Pyengyang  especially  they  have  closed  their  places  of  business 
and  kept  them  closed  for  nearly  a month  now,  and  it  is  said  that 
they  are  going  to  inaugurate  boycotts  and  strikes  along  various 
lines  and  to  refuse  to  pay  taxes.  It  is  obvious,  however,  that 
if  the  brutal  methods  of  repression  are  continued,  retaliation 
on  the  part  of  the  Koreans  will  inevitably  be  the  result,  even 
though  they  have  no  weapon. 

In  the  repression  of  these  demonstrations  the  authorities 
have  evidently  decided  that  the  Christian  Church  as  a Church, 
and  not  merely  Christians  as  individuals,  is  responsible,  and  in 
some  places  have  arrested  every  officer  of  the  local  church,  a 
course  which,  together  with  the  general  terrorization  of  the 
people,  has  prevented  services  being  held  during  the  month. 
This,  however,  is  particularly  true  in  South  Pyengan  Province. 

Of  course  our  Mission  schools  have  been  involved  from  the 
start.  The  students,  both  young  men  and  women,  giving  their 
enthusiastic  support  to  the  movement.  The  natural  result  has  been 
that  with  the  exception  of  Ewa  Haktang,  which  is  making  a rather 
unsuccessful  effort  to  keep  open,  all  Mission  schools  have  been  closed 
since  March  1st.  They  have  not  been  closed  by  the  Government, 
which  indeed  is  anxious  to  maintain  the  appearance  of  normal 
times  and  the  fiction  of  tranquility  in  Korea,  but  their  closure 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  many  students  and  teachers  are  already 
under  arrest,  while  the  great  majority  refuse  to  study  until  t ie 
object  of  these  demonstrations  has  been  attained.  This  is  a 
very  serious  condition  and  one  which  may  result  in  the  per- 
manent closing  of  our  schools,  the  government  taking  advantage 
of  this  opportunity  to  order  them  permanently  closed,  on  the 
technical  ground  that  they  have  not  maintained  the  required 
continuous  course  of  study.  At  least  two  schools  have  already 
been  warned  to  this  effect.  If  this  should  be  the  result,  a very 
absurd  injustice  would  be  involved,  inasmuch  as  the  government 
schools  are  in  much  the  same  condition  as  ours,  but  are  being 
kept  “officially”  open  by  the  teachers  meeting  and  going  through 
the  motions  every  day. 

Although  the  foregoing  might  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
movement  for  independence  is  largely  supported  by  Christians 
and  followers  of  the  Chun  Do  Kyo,  it  is  far  from  being  confined 

23 


to  these  two  classes.  It  met  immediate  response  from  the  people 
generally,  and  in  some  places,  in  fact,  Christians  have  not  taken 
part  in  it,  although  their  non-Christian  neighbors  have.  Neither 
is  the  movement  local  as  an  inspired  press  reports,  but  has 
spread  to  all  parts  of  the  country  and  among  every  class  of  the 
population.  Furthermore,  in  the  last  two  weeks  the  old  literati 
and  even  the  new  nobility  created  since  the  Japanese  annexation 
in  recognition  largely  of  their  pro-Japanese  services  have  sent 
in  to  the  government  petitions  asking  for  independence  and  have 
been  promptly  arrested.  In  fact,  one  of  these  men  is  the  man 
who  in  1866  first  petitioned  the  old  Korean  King  to  conclude 
a treaty  with  Japan  and  open  the  country  to  the  West,  a man 
who  has  always  up  to  the  present  been  pro-Japanese  and  was 
made  a viscount  by  His  Imperial  Japanese  Majesty.  It  is 
reported  that  such  petitions  will  continue  to  be  presented  until 
even  the  government  is  forced  to  recognize  that  all  classes  of 
the  people  support  the  movement. 

In  regard  to  the  part  which  has  been  taken  by  the  Christians 
special  emphasis  should  be  laid  upon  a report  which  comes  to  us 
on  the  best  authority  to  the  effect  that  in  the  consultations  which 
preceded  this  demonstration  the  members  of  the  Chun  Do  Kyo 
stood  for  a declaration  of  independence  and  the  use  of  force  if 
necessary,  while  the  Christian  leaders  maintained  that  they 
should  petition  for  redress  of  abuses  and  wrongs  and  govern- 
mental reforms,  but  without  the  use  of  force.  The  compromise 
program  finally  adopted  was  to  declare  independence  and  to  use 
no  force.  In  a conference  with  government  officials,  to  which 
we  shall  presently  refer,  it  was  admitted  by  a prominent  official 
that  all  must  recognize  that  the  absence  of  the  element  of  force 
in  the  demonstrations  was  due  to  the  participation  of  the  Chris- 
tians. 

One  of  the  inevitable  concomitants  of  this  turmoil  was  the 
charge  that  missionaries  are  the  instigators  and  abettors  of  the 
whole  movement,  a charge  which  bitter  articles  in  the  vernacular 
press  violently  supported.  We  enclose  a copy  of  such  an  article 
taken  from  the  second  most  prominent  Japanese  paper  in  the 
peninsula.  The  American  Consul  General  at  Seoul  protested  to 
the  authorities  against  these  articles,  but  although  this  particular 
one  was  afterwards  officially  “withdrawn/’  articles  of  a similar 
import  have  appeared  in  all  parts  of  the  country  and  of  course 

24 


in  Japan.  It  is  only  natural  that  a strong  anti-foreign  feeling 
should  be  aroused,  especially  directed  toward  Americans.  You 
have  doubtless  heard  ere  now  of  the  attack  upon  Rev.  John 
Thomas*  of  the  Oriental  Missionary  Society  who  was  set  upon 
and  severely  beaten  by  police  and  soldiers  under  the  belief  that 
he  was  an  American  instigator  of  these  demonstrations.  There 
have  been  reports  that  Japanese  were  going  to  beat  up  some  of 
the  missionaries,  and,  as  a matter  of  fact,  Japanese  thugs,  armed 
with  clubs  and  knives,  have  held  a parade  through  the  streets 
of  Seoul  headed  by  a mounted  gendarme.  These  men  have  been 
brought  in  not  merely  to  intimidate  Koreans  and  to  precipitate 
violent  rioting  but  to  take  part  in  any  underhand  work  that  it 
may  seem  wise  for  the  authorities  to  wink  at  in  these  disturbed 
days.  So  far  as  foreigners  are  concerned  the  Japanese  officials 
told  a newspaper  correspondent  that  if  he  would  carry  a lighted 
cigarette  at  night  he  would  be  safe  because  no  Japanese  would 
then  mistake  him  for  a missionary.  Mr.  Holdcroft  was  stopped 
by  two  such  men,  armed  with  clubs,  when  on  his  way  to  the 
railway  station  at  night  and  subjected  to  cross-questioning  as 
to  his  nationality,  occupation,  destination,  etc. 

You  have  possibly  seen  references  to  reports  published  in 
the  Chinese  newspapers,  notably  the  Peking-Tientsin  Times, 
the  North  China  Star  and  the  China  Press  giving  instances  of 
brutality  on  the  part  of  Japanese  soldiers  witnessed  by  mis- 
sionaries in  Pyengyang,  Syenchun  and  elsewhere.  Some  of 
these  were  never  intended  for  publication  in  any  form  and  cer- 
tainly not  with  names,  dates  and  places  embodied  and  involving 
missionaries  in  an  apparently  anti-Japanese  propaganda.  They 
were  gathered  from  individuals  by  an  indiscreet  missionary  from 
North  China,  not  connected  with  our  Board,  who  was  in  Korea 
for  the  first  two  weeks  of  the  demonstration.  Most  of  the 
material  was  intrusted  to  him  with  the  understanding  that  it 
was  to  be  transmitted  to  friends  in  America,  but  this  individual 
published  them  verbatim  as  soon  as  he  got  over  the  border,  and 
even  insisted  that  they  go  in  with  names.  We  are  just  as 
indignant  ovef  this  as  anybody  else  and  realize  to  what  an  extent 
our  position  has  been  compromised  and  to  what  extent  also  this 
will  stimulate  anti-missionary  feeling,  but  of  course  it  cannot 
be  helped  now  and  since  the  American  Consul  General  is  exerting 


*A  British  subject. 


25 


pressure  on  Japanese  authorities  to  prevent  further  attacks  on 
Americans  in  the  local  press  or  by  Japanese  subjects  we  hope 
that  none  of  the  missionaries  will  encounter  violence.  For  the 
most  part  we  are  remaining  quietly  at  home,  not  even  attempting 
country  itineration,  and  not  venturing  out  at  night  except  in  case 
of  necessity.  In  regard  to  the  reports  mentioned  above  as  having 
been  published  in  the  Chinese  papers  you  should  know,  however, 
that  though  they  were  not  intended  to  be  published  in  this  way 
and  not  to  be  used  at  all  in  China,  they  contain  a reliable  account 
of  actual  occurrences  supported  by  affidavits  now  on  file  at  the 
American  Consulate  General,  Seoul. 

The  ultimate  effect  of  this  movement  on  the  Church  in 
Korea  is  wholly  problematical.  The  leaders  went  into  it  with 
their  eyes  open,  realizing  that  failure  of  their  efforts  meant  per- 
secution and  probably  severe  repression  of  church  activity,  but 
they  said  they  had  prayed  the  matter  through  and  felt  that  it 
was  God’s  will  for  them  to  make  this  attempt  to  secure  not 
merely  civil  but  real  religious  liberty  at  this  particular  time  in 
the  world’s  history,  when  so  many  small  peoples  are  apparently 
to  secure  these  blessings.  We  learned  this  from  the  Moderator 
of  the  Korean  General  Assembly  and  others  after  the  demon- 
strations began  and  before  he  and  other  leaders  were  arrested. 
It  is  reported  that  officials  have  stated  that  the  Chun  Do  Kyo  is 
to  be  suppressed  entirely  and  that  the  Christian  Church  is  to 
be  reduced  to  about  half  its  present  size.  Certainly  if  the  mili- 
tary government  remains  in  Korea  and  the  present  movement 
collapses  the  outlook  for  the  future  is  very  dark.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  in  view  of  the  obvious  failure  of  the  administration  of  the 
last  nine  years  to  conciliate  the  people,  a civil  administration 
and  governmental  reforms  are  introduced,  while  there  probably 
would  not  be  such  an  aggressive  anti-Christian  activity  we  must 
anticipate  great  restriction  of  Christian  propaganda  at  best.  It 
is  quite  evident  that  the  most  rigorous  repression  of  demonstra- 
tions is  directed  against  Christians  in  those  sections  of  the 
country  where  the  church  is  prominent.  In  the  north  a number 
(fifteen  according  to  credible  reports)  of  churches  have  had 
windows,  furniture,  bells  and  Bibles  destroyed  by  soldiers,  gen- 
darmes or  authorized  thugs,  and  in  many  communities  where 
general  arrests  are  made  discrimination  is  always  against  the 
Christians.  Undoubtedly  the  government  regards  Christianity 

26 


as  the  chief  factor  of  the  disturbance,  and,  conceiving  that  its 
previous  suspicions  have  been  justified,  is  acting  accordingly. 

The  efifect  of  the  movement  on  Mission  work  is  equally 
problematical,  for  the  government,  while  officially  stating  that 
they  do  not  regard  the  missionaries  as  having  any  direct 
responsibility  for  this  uprising,  which  took  government  and 
missionaries  alike  by  surprise,  seems  to  be  making  every  effort 
in  the  examination  of  prisoners  to  fasten  responsibility  upon  the 
missionary  body.  This  we  are  repeatedly  told  by  released 
prisoners,  but  the  Koreans  under  examination  uniformly  insist 
that  the  missionaries  are  not  connected  with  the  movement. 
The  examinations,  it  may  be  said  in  passing,  are  frequently 
conducted  with  all  the  approved  methods  of  1912  “Conspiracy 
Case.”  But  the  situation  is  none  the  less  grave.  Wqrd  has  just 
come  that  Mr.  Mowry  of  Pyengyang,  has  been  arrested  under 
charge  of  permitting  the  production  of  seditious  literature  on 
his  premises.  We  can  only  surmise  the  underlying  reason  for 
his  arrest.  Copies  of  the  independence  proclamations  and  news- 
sheets  which  he  has  been  translating  may  have  been  found  in 
his  house,  or  his  secretary  may  have,  without  his  knowledge, 
used  his  mimeograph  for  printing  notices  regarding  local  demon- 
strations. Anything  else  is  inconceivable.  Two  Australian 
Missionary  ladies  were  arrested  and  detained  two  days.  They 
had  gone  out  to  call  their  school  girls  out  of  the  demonstrations 
and  were  arrested  on  the  charge  that  they  were  taking  part. 
These  instances  indicate  the  critical  character  of  the  situation. 

At  least  three  informal  conferences  have  been  held  with 
representative  officials  and  civilians  in  Seoul.  At  the  first  Mr. 
Usami  called  in  a group  of  missionaries  (Doctors  Gale,  Avison, 
Plardy,  Noble,  Sharrocks,  Mr.  Bernheisel,  Mr.  Bunker,  Mr. 
Gerdine  and  Mr.  Hugh  Miller)  and  asked  their  opinion  as  to 
the  causes  of  the  uprising.  Very  frank  statements  were  made, 
notably  one  by  Dr.  Gale  (who,  after  many  years  of  consistent 
pro-Japanese  effort  is  now  plainly  outspoken  in  condemnation 
of  the  failure  of  the  military  administration)  who  told  Mr.  Usami 
that  the  Koreans  had  been  living  under  a reign  of  terror  for  the 
past  nine  years.  The  second  and  third  conferences  included 
such  men  as  Judge  Watanabe,  Mr.  Sekiya,  Mr.  Niwa,  Mr.  Yama- 
gata  of  the  Seoul  Press,  and  some  other  civilians,  and  in  addition 
to  most  of  the  above  missionaries  Dr.  Moffett  and  Mr.  Whitte- 

27 


more  and  Bishop  Welch  (and  at  the  third  conference  Dr.  Egbert 
Smith).  The  gist  of  the  position  of  the  Japanese  was  the 
plainly  stated  desire  that  missionaries  should  co-operate  with 
the  government  in  suppressing  the  uprising.  Bishop  Welch,  by 
a previous  agreement  among  the  missionaries,  replied,  stating 
that  anything  other  than  absolute  neutrality  was  impossible,  for 
three  reasons.  First,  it  would  be  useless  for  us  to  try  to  stop 
the  Movement.  Secondly,  it  would  be  resented  and  destroy  our 
influence ; and  finally  it  was  forbidden  by  our  home  government. 
The  Japanese  continued  to  urge,  however  (especially  through 
the  semi-official  Seoul  Press)  that  missionaries  ought  to  abandon 
this  technically  correct  position  and  undertake  real  co-operation. 
We  need  not  point  out  to  you  the  delicacy  and  difficulty  of  the 
situation.  At  this  conference  the  question  of  the  actuality  of 
atrocities  was  raised.  Dr.  Moffett  gave  his  own  personal  ex- 
perience as  an  eyewitness.  In  private  conversation  with  Dr. 
Moffett,  Mr.  Yamagata,  Editor  of  the  Seoul  Press,  cheerfully 
admitted  that  he  was  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  atrocities, 
but  he  said  that  the  denials  as  published  in  the  Press  were 
“official.”  In  a subsequent  interview  Dr.  Avison  and  Bishop 
Welch  were  assured  by  Mr.  Sekiya  that  the  present  “lenient” 
methods  of  suppression  were  to  be  exchanged  for  extreme 
measures  in  the  near  future.  Dr.  Welch  assured  him  that  any 
great  amount  of  bloodshed  occurring  in  this  connection  would 
alienate  the  sympathies  of  the  western  nations.  The  missionaries 
feel  that  nothing  is  to  be  gained  by  a continuance  of  such  confer- 
ences which  might  easily  be  used  to  compromise  our  position 
still  further. 

As  to  the  possible  success  of  the  independence  movement 
we  can  only  give  our  personal  judgment  that  it  is  hopeless ; that 
unless  there  is  outside  international  interference  (which  is 
scarcely  conceivable  in  the  present  state  of  the  world),  adminis- 
trative reform,  and  possibly,  in  the  future,  some  measure  of 
self-government  is  the  most  that  can  ever  be  secured.  Japan 
would  scarcely  grant  autonomy  without  a complete  change  of 
heart  and  the  overthrow  of  the  military  party  in  Japan,  and  of 
course  the  revolt  may  be  a flat  failure  and  secure  nothing. 

This  is  a disappointment.  We  have  not  the  remotest 
thought  of  meddling  in  politics  and  we  cannot  hold  any  brief 
in  defense  of  Christians  who  have  deliberately  committed  them- 

2$ 


selves  to  a program  of  revolutionary  agitation,  but  it  is  mad- 
dening to  have  to  stand  by  and  see  unarmed  and  unresisting 
people  treated  with  brutality  and  violence  and  even  shot  down 
indiscriminately  and  to  know  that  these  things  are  daily  occurring 
in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

As  we  look  toward  the  future  we  need  scarcely  point  out  to 
you  that,  if  and  when  reforms  in  administration  are  granted,  any 
possible  pressure  that  can  be  brought  to  bear  in  the  proper 
quarter  should  be  exerted  to  secure  real  religious  liberty  in 
Korea.  There  has  not  been  such  liberty  in  the  past,  either  in 
regard  to  Christian  propaganda  or  in  Christian  education  in 
private  schools,  as  you  are  aware. 

Exhibit  III 

As  a sample  of  the  way  in  which  the  local  Japanese  press  is 
dealing  with  the  situation,  we  give  here  a translation  of  an  edi- 
torial in  a recent  edition  of  the  Shosen  Shinmun. 

“The  stirring  up  of  the  minds  of  the  Koreans  is  the  sin  of 
the  American  Missionaries.  This  uprising  is  their  work.  In 
investigating  the  causes  of  the  uprising,  two  or  three  missionaries 
have  been  arrested  and  have  been  examined.  There  are  a good 
many  shallow-minded  people  among  the  missionaries  and  they 
make  the  minds  of  the  Koreans  bad,  and  they  plant  the  seeds  of 
democracy.  So  the  greater  part  of  the  300,000  Korean  Christians 
do  not  like  the  union  of  Japan  and  Korea,  but  they  are  waiting 
for  an  opportunity  for  freedom. 

“These  missionaries  look  upon  the  present  Korean  as  they 
did  upon  the  old  Korean,  and  they  consider  it  proper  for  the 
Koreans  to  say  anything  they  want  if  only  they  enter  the  Chris- 
tian schools.  They  take  the  statement  of  Wilson  about  the 
“self-determination  of  nations,”  and  hide  behind  their  religion 
and  stir  up  the  people. 

“The  missionaries  have  tried  to  apply  the  free  customs  of 
other  nations  to  these  Korean  people,  who  are  not  wholly  civil- 
ized. From  the  part  that  even  girl  students  in  Christian  schools 
have  taken,  it  is  evident  that  this  uprising  has  come  from  the 
missionaries. 

“Behind  this  uprising,  we  see  the  ghost-like  appearance  of 
waving  his  wand.  This  ghost  is  really  hateful,  malicious,  fierce. 

29 


Who  is  this  ghost  wearing  the  dark  clothes?  The  missionaries 
and  the  head  of  the  Chuntokyo.  These  missionaries  have  come 
out  of  the  American  nation.  They  have  sold  themselves  for  the 
petty  salary  of  some  300  yen  ($150)  per  year,  and  they  have  crept 
out  like  reptiles  on  their  belly  as  far  as  Korea.  There  is  nothing 
of  good  that  can  be  said  of  their  knowledge,  character  and  dis- 
position. 

“These  messengers  of  God  are  only  after  money  and  are 
sitting  around  their  homes  with  a full  stomach.  The  bad  things 
of  the  world  all  start  from  such  trash  as  these.  They  planned 
this  dirty  work  and  got  into  league  with  the  Chuntokyo.  If  we 
take  all  this  into  consideration  these  missionaries  are  all  hated 
brutes. 

“Why  no  public  apology  in  the  press?  No  wonder  John 
Thomas  was  so  brutally  attacked.  They  would  not  believe  him 
brutal.” 


Exhibit  IV 

Statement  by 

On  the  night  of  March  2d  and  the  early  morning  of  March 
3d,  1919,  before  any  demonstration  occurred  in  Hamheung  city, 
a number  of  the  students  and  one  teacher  of  the  Christian  school 
were  arrested  and  taken  to  the  police  station. 

On  Monday,  the  3d,  it  is  said  that  the  stores  were  ordered 
closed  by  the  police.  This  caused  a large  number  of  people  to 
congregate  on  the  main  streets.  Some  one  in  the  crowd  blew  a 
bugle,  and  with  this  the  crowd  shouted,  “Three  cheers  for  the 
independence  of  Korea,”  and  waved  Korean  flags.  Students  from 
the  different  schools  in  the  city  were  present  and  a large  number 
of  them  were  arrested.  On  this  day  Japanese  firemen  appeared 
with  the  fire-fighting  lance-hooks,  but  no  one  was  seriously  hurt. 

On  March  4th,  about  12:30  noon,  loud  cheering  was  again 
participated  in  by  the  Koreans.  With  this  cheer  the  Japanese 
fire  brigade  was  let  loose  among  the  crowds  with  clubs;  some 
carried  pickax  handles;  others  their  long  lance  fire-hooks,  some 
iron  bars,  others  hardwood  and  pine  clubs,  some  with  short- 
handled  club  hooks.  They  rushed  into  the  crowds,  clubbing 
them  over  the  heads,  hooking  them  here  and  there  with  their 

30 


lance-hooks,  until  in  a short  time  many  had  been  seriously 
wounded,  and  with  blood  streaming  down  their  faces  were 
dragged  to  the  police  station  by  the  fire  brigade. 

Among  those  so  treated  was  a young  man  named  Chai 
Kyusae,  a student  and  a younger  brother  of  one  of  the  Korean 
policemen.  He  was  crying  as  if  in  great  pain;  his  head  hung 
to  one  side  from  a terrible  wound  in  the  left  side  of  his  head; 
blood  was  streaming  down  his  face.  This  man  was  sent  home 
after  a few  days  in  a critical  condition. 

Another  man  was  being  dragged  along  towards  the  police 
station  by  two  Japanese  firemen.  Across  his  head  was  the  mark 
of  a violent  blow,  and  his  face  was  knocked  out  of  -shape  from 
a blow  on  the  left  side,  from  which  blood  was  flowing.  His  left 
leg  also  hung  limp,  and  he,  too,  groaned  in  pain.  This  man  is 
a Christian,  about  fifty  years  of  age.  After  treatment  in  the 
hospital  for  several  days  he  was  set  free  by  the  police  with  no 
charge  against  him.  His  name  is  Chai  Haksung. 

Another  of  those  dragged  to  the  police  station  was  Fak 
Yichin,  a student  from  one  of  the  non-Christian  schools.  His 
skull  was  so  badly  crushed  that  after  a few  days  he  was  sent 
out  in  apparently  a dying  condition  to  the  home  of  his  friends. 

On  this  same  day  at  least  seven  Korean  men  and  a number 
of  girls  were  taken  to  the  police  station  in  a pitiful  condition 
from  the  wounds  received. 

While  these  scenes  were  being  enacted  the  police  and  gen- 
darmes seemed  to  take  no  part  in  the  arrests,  but  simply  kept 
guard  o'ver  the  Japanese  fire  brigade  as  they  clubbed  and  arrested 
the  Koreans. 

So  far  as  was  seen  there  was  no  resistance  made  by  the 
Koreans ; they  neither  lifted  a stick  nor  hurled  a stone  to  defend 
themselves,  nor  did  they  utter  a word  of  abuse  against  the 
Japanese. 

On  March  6th  the  stores  in  Hamheung  were  still  closed 
and  consequently  a large  number  of  people  were  out  on  the 
streets.  Near  the  cattle  market  cheering  was  again  indulged  in, 
and  with  this  the  Japanese  fire  brigade  again  rushed  out  with 
their  clubs.  A number  were  clubbed  and  arrested,  among  whom 
was  one  Pyon  Eung  Kwan.  He  was  struck  on  the  back  of  the 
head  with  a club  and  was  carried,  apparently  dead,  to  the  police 
station.  Even  on  this  occasion  not  a stone  or  a stick  was  raised 

31 


by  a Korean ; not  even  a word  of  abuse  was  heard.  After  a few 
days  Pyon  was  sent  home  a free  man,  but  with  no  redress. 

A few  days  later,  it  is  said  on  reliable  information,  about 
ten  miles  out  from  Hamheung  on  market  day  the  Koreans 
cheered  as  they  had  done  in  Hamheung.  They  were  not  inter- 
fered with  by  the  police,  and  after  they  had  cheered  the  police 
officer  spoke  a few  kind  words  to  them  and  they  all  went  home. 
It  is  also  said  that  on  March  13th  the  Koreans  at  Sinheung  on 
market  day  cheered  for  Korea.  The  police  opened  fire  on  the 
defenceless  crowd  and  four  were  killed  and  four  were  wounded. 
Among  the  killed  was  a woman  who,  at  the  time,  was  passing 
with  a jar  of  water  on  her  head.  The  sight  of  the  dead  and 
wounded  wallowing  in  their  blood  so  exasperated  the  Koreans 
that  they  stoned  the  gendarmes. 

Four  Koreans  are  reported  killed  at  Sungdok,  near  Ham- 
heung. 

During  these  days  a large  number  have  been  arrested, 
among  whom  are  many  leading  Christians.  This  is,  in  brief,  what 
has  happened  in  Hamheung  and  vicinity  up  to  the  fifteenth  of 
March. 

I was  an  eyewitness  to  what  happened  on  March  4th  as 
herein  above  stated. 

Exhibit  V 

DECLARATIONS  REGARDING  ATROCITIES 

Original  Signed  by 

At  Suna  Ub  . 

During  the  first  days  of  the  demonstration  in  March  a crowd 
of  two  or  three  hundred  people  visited  the  gendarme  station  at 
Suna  Ub,  Whanghai  Province,  and  told  the  gendarmes  that 
the  country  had  declared  its  independence  and  that  they  should 
leave.  The  gendarmes  replied  that  of  course  if  the  country  had 
secured  its  independence  they  would  leave,  but  that  they  would 
need  to  receive  orders  from  Seoul  before  they  could  do  so.  This 
satisfied  the  crowd  and  it  left.  A matter  of  two  hours  later 
another  crowd  of  people  came  and  made  the  same  demand. 
This  time  the  gendarmes  opened  fire  on  them  and  killed  five 
people.  A number  of  others  were  wounded  and  thrown  into 
the  prison.  Later  on  an  old  man  went  to  the  gendarme  station 

32 


to  protest  against  the  treatment  meted  out  to  the  Koreans. 
This  man  the  gendarmes  shot  dead.  His  wife  came  in,  and  find- 
ing the  body,  sat  down  beside  it,  wailing,  as  is  the  custom  of 
the  Koreans.  She  was  told  to  keep  still,  and,  not  doing  so,  was 
also  killed.  That  day  or  the  next  morning,  the  daughter  of  this 
couple,  going  to  the  gendarme  station,  was  slashed  with  a sword. 
The  wounded  men  who  had  been  thrown  into  prison  were  kept 
two  days,  a little  bit  of  rice  given  them  but  not  a bit  of  water. 
They  were  in  such  terrible  thirst  that  they  say  they  drank  their 
own  urine.  After  two  days  they  were  turned  out  by  the  gen- 
darmes and  some  of  them  were  taken  over  to  the  Suan  Mining 
Company’s  Hospital  at  Tulmichang.  Their  wounds  having  had 
no  proper  treatment  gangrene  had  set  in.  One  man  had  a bad 
wound  in  the  thigh  which  was  gangrenous.  Another  had  to  have 
his  arm  amputated  at  the  shoulder  because  of  the  poisoned  con- 
dition due  to  neglect  after  he  had  been  wounded.  Of  the  men 
who  were  brought  to  the  hospital,  one  man  was  about  thirty- 
nine  years  of  age,  the  others  were  over  sixty  years  of  age. 

At  Maungsan 

During  the  first  part  of  March  after  the  people  at  this  place 
had  shouted  for  independence,  fifty-six  people  were  asked  by 
the  gendarmes  to  come  to  the  gendarme  station,  which  they  did. 
When  they  were  all  inside  the  gendarmerie  compound  the  gates 
were  closed,  gendarmes  climbed  up  on  the  wall  and  shot  all  the 
people  down.  Then  they  went  in  among  them  and  bayoneted 
all  who  still  lived  . Of  the  fifty-six,  fifty-three  were  killed  and 
three  were  able  later  to  crawl  out  of  the  heap  of  dead.  Whether 
they  lived  or  not  is  not  known.  A Christian  woman  in  whom  we 
have  confidence  made  her  way  to  foreign  friends  after  several 
days’  travel  and  made  the  above  statement.  Undoubtedly  it  is 
true. 

At  Anju 

On  the  night  of  the  — of  March,  when  the  people  had 
shouted  for  independence  but  had  used  no  violence  at  all,  the 
police  and  gendarmes  fired  on  them  and  killed  seven  and  wounded 
many  others.  These  were  taken  to  the  local  hospital.  Later 
the  police  visited  all  the  houses  in  the  city  looking  for  those 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  demonstrations.  When  they  did  not 

33 


find  them  often  they  beat  the  women  and  dragged  them  about 
by  their  hair.  One  woman  had  seven  teeth  knocked  out.  The 
mother  of  one  of  the  wounded  men  having  told  a policeman  that 
if  her  son  died  she  would  take  revenge  on  him,  this  policeman 
went  to  her  house  and  again  stabbed  her  son  who  was  lying  on 
the  floor  wounded.  The  people  having  protested  to  the  magis- 
trate he  admitted  that  he  had  done  badly,  and  the  woman  whose 
teeth  had  been  knocked  out  was  able  to  identify  the  man  who 
had  done  it. 

At  Pan  Suk 

Today,  March  29th,  1919,  I visited  the  village  of  Pan  Suk, 
sixteen  miles  to  the  east  of  Pyengyang.  Here  at  the  edge  of  the 
village  of  some  fifty  houses  is  a church  and  school-house  com- 
bined. On  the  seventh  of  March  was  held  one  of  the  independ- 
ence demonstrations.  Soldiers  came  and  pulled  over  the  bell- 
tower,  breaking  the  bell.  With  the  clapper  of  the  bell  and  other 
means  they  broke  all  but  three  of  the  many  panes  of  glass  in 
the  twenty  or  more  3x5  windows  in  the  building.  They  broke 
the  lamps  and  the  pulpit  and  destroyed  all  the  Bitles  and  hymn- 
books.  Five  men  and  one  woman  were  stripped  of  all  clothing 
and  beaten  with  guns  and  with  clubs.  One  man  was  burnt  with 
matches.  The  house  of  the  school  teacher  was  broken  into;  the 
chest  in  which  his  clothes  were  was  smashed  and  the  clothes 
burnt.  Several  were  arrested.  One  man  of  between  50  and  60 
years  was  taken  to  Kyengyang  and  beaten  till  he  died  about 
the  26th  of  March.  On  the  24th  of  March  soldiers  came  to  the 
village  near  by,  looking  for  one  of  the  elders  of  the  church.  Not 
being  able  to  find  him,  they  took  his  wife,  a bright-looking 
woman  of  about  thirty.  They  led  her  with  her  two-year-old  baby 
to  a near-by  grove  and  attempted  to  force  her  to  tell  where  her 
husband  was.  She  would  not  tell.  No  doubt  she  did  not  know, 
as  the  leaders  of  the  church  have  fled.  They  stripped  her  of  all 
her  clothing  and  beat  her  without  mercy.  I talked  with  the 
woman  to-day  and  she  was  still  stiff  and  sore  from  the  beating. 

At  Keng  Syo 

On  Sunday,  March  30th,  1919,  Rev.  and  Miss  

went  to  Keng  Syo.  They  found,  as  they  said,  “A  pretty  bad 
condition.”  The  people  had  not  waited  for  the  arrival  of  the 

34 


missionaries  in  the  afternoon,  but  at  11  a.  m.  had  met  for  Sunday 
School.  As  about  twenty-five  were  praying,  soldiers  came  in, 
stuck  their  guns  through  four  panes  of  glass,  beat  the  keeper, 
and  arrested  four  men  and  three  women.  None  of  these  were 
officials,  the  officials  either  all  having  been  arrested  or  having 
fled  long  ago. 


Exhibit  VI 

Statament  by 

On  Wednesday,  March  19,  1919,  I telegraphed  to  our  Korean 
preacher  at  Kokei  that  I would  be  coming  to  Kokei  on  the 
following  day,  object  being  to  see  the  property  of  the  Oriental 
Missionary  Society,  of  which  I am  the  Superintendent  in  Chosen. 

On  Thursday,  March  20,  1919,  I arrived  at  Kokei  at  about 

3 P.  M.,  in  company  with  my  Korean  helper,  who  can  speak 
the  Japanese  language  fluently.  Our  preacher  there  had  already 
informed  the  police  of  my  intended  visit.  We  had  tea  at  a 
Japanese  hotel  and  ordered  our  supper  for  6:30  P.  M.  At  about 

4 o’clock  I went  to  examine  the  preacher’s  house  and  Mission, 
and  while  standing  outside  examining  the  land  with  the  object 
of  making  some  alterations,  we  saw  about  five  young  lads  run- 
ning down  the  hill,  yelling  “Mansei.”  They  ran  past  us,  waving 
flags,  and  disappeared.  We  thought  no  more  of  the  incident, 
but  a few  minutes  later  four  soldiers  carrying  rifles  rushed  up, 
followed  by  several  policemen.  They  took  hold  of  us  and  beat 
us  and  kicked  us  mercilessly,  refusing  to  hear  of  explanation, 
and  started  to  take  us  to  the  police  station.  On  the  way  I 
showed  the  policeman,  who  was  dragging  me  about,  my  passport 
and  police  certificate  issued  by  the  Seoul  Police  on  the  17th 
inst.,  but  instead  of  examining  it  he  threw  it  on  the  ground.  1 
endeavored  to  pick  it  up,  but  was  struck  and  beaten  on  the  head 
and  kicked,  and  one  Japanese  man  from  the  crowd,  which  con- 
sisted of  many  Japanese  and  many  Koreans  looking  on,  hit  me 
with  a long  heavy  stick  as  thick  as  a man’s  arm.  My  two  Korean 
helpers  were  beaten  very  cruelly,  one  of  them  being  struck  on 
the  face,  causing  a wound  from  which  blood  flowed.  On  my 
arrival  at  the  police  station  I saw  the  police  again  cuff  and  kick 
my  Korean  helpers.  I was  then  taken  to  a room  by  myself. 
1 remonstrated  with  a Korean  who  appeared  to  be  a police  officer, 

35 


and  asked  that  my  passport  might  be  found,  and  at  5 :30  they 
brought  it  to  me.  Then  the  Chief  of  Police  (a  Japanese)  came 
in,  and  I spoke  to  him  through  the  Korean  officer.  He  asked 
me  a great  many  questions  and  then  asked  me  to  return  to  my 
hotel,  saying  he  was  sorry,  which  I refused  to  do,  as  the  crowd 
was  still  outside.  I told  him  I had  nothing  to  do  with  the  boys, 
who  had  only  run  past  where  I was  standing.  I heard  the  Korean 
officer  say  that  the  five  boys  had  been  examined  and  they  said 
they  did  not  even  know  that  a foreigner  was  in  the  town. 

At  8:15,  after  I had  had  some  food  from  my  bag,  which  had 
been  brought  to  me  from  the  hotel,  the  Chief  of  Police  again 
said  he  was  sorry  and  that  they  had  made  a mistake.  He  brought 
me  two  papers,  written  in  Japanese,  and  asked  me  to  sign  them. 
I refused,  not  knowing  what  they  were  about.  My  Korean 
helpers,  who  had  already  signed  the  papers,  came  and  asked 
me  to  sign,  saying  that  if  I did  the  police  would  let  me  go.  I 
absolutely  refused  to  sign,  though  they  tried  to  persuade  me  to 
do  so  for  about  a quarter  of  an  hour.  Then,  as  the  train  left  at 
8 :40,  they  sent  for  two  rickshas,  and  escorted  by  two  policemen, 
we  went  to  the  railway  station  and  caught  the  train  for  Taiden, 
where  I stayed  the  night. 

Exhibit  VII 

STORIES  OF  WOUNDED  KOREANS  IN  SEVERANCE 

HOSPITAL 

* Interviewed  by March  29,  1919. 

(1)  Ri  In  Ok,  a student,  19  years  old,  from  Anju,  was 
wounded  in  the  left  leg  by  a bullet.  On  March  2nd,  he,  with 
many  other  students,  joined  a crowd,  perhaps  4,000  strong,  and 
shouted  the  cry  of  independence,  whereupon  approaching  the 
office  of  the  gendarmes  about  seven  Japanese  gendarme  officers 
came  out  and  began  firing  at  the  crowd.  Many  shots  were  fired 
and  eight  men  were  killed  and  twenty  wounded  among  the 
Koreans.  The  rifle-firing  dispersed  the  crowd,  who  had  shown 
no  violence,  carried  no  stones,  sticks  or  weapons.  This  young 
man  went  to  the  local  Korean  hospital  but  after  superficial  treat- 
ment was  advised  to  go  to  the  Christian  hospital  in  Seoul,  where 
he  could  get  satisfactory  treatment  and  the  bullet  could  be 

36 


located.  He  arrived  in  Seoul  on  March  5th  and  was  at  once 
admitted  and  successfully  operated  on  by  the  resident  surgeons. 
No  religious  belief  at  all. 

(2)  No  Chong  Yun,  aged  61,  a farmer,  living  just  outside 
Anju,  was  in  the  same  crowd  as  above  student,  and  his  statement 
coincides  with  his,  though  questioned  independently.  This  man 
was  also  shot  in  the  leg,  the  right  one.  Asked  why  he  did  not 
go  to  the  Pyengyang  Hospital,  he  replied  that  he  was  afraid  of 
the  Japanese  there,  lest  they  would  arrest  and  further  illtreat 
him.  This  man  also  had  no  special  religious  belief  and  did  not 
belong  to  any  church,  native  or  foreign.  He  came  to  the  hospital 
on  March  5th  and  was  immediately  treated  by  the  doctors. 

(3)  Kim  Nam  San,  aged  27,  of  Paiju:  Went  from  his 

village  on  market  day  to  the  local  market  at  Kong  Ung,  with 
many  of  his  neighbors.  There  a crowd  of  about  1,000  gathered, 
shouting  the  cry  of  independence.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
gendarme  force  appeared,  comprising  six  Japanese  and  two 
Koreans ; the  former  only  carried  rifles.  As  the  crowd  continued 
to  shout,  the  Japanese  fired  many  times,  killing  four  and  wound- 
ing three  (as  far  as  he  knew).  He,  with  others,  were  running 
away  when  a bullet  struck  him  in  the  shoulder  and  he  fell  over. 
The  Koreans  used  no  violence  and  no  weapons,  sticks  or  stones. 
This  man  has  no  religious  belief,  and  does  not  attend  any  church 
or  society. 

(4)  Ko  Myen  Man,  aged  25,  lives  in  Whanghaido.  He 
went  to  the  Magistrate's  town  on  March  23rd,  and,  joining  a 
crowd  of  several  hundred,  shouted  the  independence  cry  in  front 
of  the  Magistrate's  office.  Upon  this,  gendarmes  and  police 
came  out  with  clubs,  swords  and  guns.  They  rushed  upon  the 
crowd,  striking  down  many  with  clubs  and  swords,  and  also 
fired  their  rifles,  killing  at  least  three  and  wounding  twenty  or 
more.  Upon  this  the  crowd  ran  away.  This  man  refused  to 
go  to  the  Japanese  hospital,  but  went  to  the  Korean  local  hos- 
pital, but  the  doctor  could  do  little  for  him.  He  recommended 
him  to  come  up  to  Severance.  He  came  on  March  24th  and 
was  immediately  attended  to  and  is  now  recovering.  He  had  a 
gunshot  wound  in  the  upper  part  of  his  leg.  He  has  no  religious 
belief  and  attends  no  church. 

(5)  Ri  Tol  Sa  of  Duksan,  aged  23,  said  that  in  the  evening 
about  300  or  so  villagers  gathered  and  went  around  the  neigh- 

37 


borhood  shouting  the  cry  of  independence.  They  came  to  the 
gendarme  station,  and  there,  without  any  violence,  stood  shout- 
ing and  waving  the  Korean  flag.  The  officers  of  the  gendarmes, 
through  the  Korean  interpreters,  asked  them  to  go  away.  While 
this  was  going  on  motor  cars  arrived  from  Seoul  (three  or  four 
miles  away)  with  a number  of  gendarmes.  Then  suddenly  about 
fifteen  gendarmes  came  out  and  fired  on  the  people.  As  far  as 
he  knows  one  was  killed  and  twelve  wounded.  This  man  was 
wounded  in  the  foot.  He  said  that  some  Korean  gendarmes  had 
guns,  but  he  did  not  know  whether  they  fired  or  not.  All  of 
the  crowd  were  of  the  working  class.  He  came  into  the  hospital 
and  received  immediate  attention  the  next  morning  (March  26th). 
This  man  is  not  associated  with  any  church  or  sect. 

(6)  Ri  Kai  Tong,  aged  27,  of  above  village,  corroborated 
the  above  statement,  though  in  a separate  ward.  This  man  was 
shot  in  the  leg. 

(7)  Yum  Tok  Chang,  of  above  village,  aged  35,  gave  similar 
evidence.  He  was  shot  in  arm  and  side.  No  religion. 

(8)  Song  Yunk  Pak,  aged  21,  of  same  place.  Shot  through 
upper  lip.  Also  endorsed  above  statements.  No  religion. 

(9)  Kang  Yong  Ie,  aged  36,  terribly  wounded  by  being 
shot  at  close  quarters;  leg  smashed.  Gave  same  account  as 
above.  No  religion.  He  is  from  Duksan. 

(10)  A man  terribly  injured  in  head.  Could  not  give  any 
account  of  his  accident.  He  is  lying  in  semi-conscious  state. 

(11)  Cha  Oh  Kyun,  aged  36,  of  Ko  Yang,  about  eight  or 
nine  miles  from  Seoul,  wounded  in  lower  left  arm.  The  stores 
in  the  village  had  closed  in  sympathy  with  the  desire  for  inde- 
pendence, but  were  ordered  by  local  gendarmes  (Japanese)  to 
reopen.  They  refused,  and  next  day  about  70  men  and  boys 
went  up  the  hill  behind  the  village  and  shouted  the  independence 
cry.  The  local  gendarmes,  a Japanese  and  a Korean,  came  out, 
and  the  Japanese  fired.  This  man  was  shot  and  the  others  ran 
away.  The  Koreans  used  no  violence,  had  no  stones  or  sticks, 
only  a Korean  flag  or  two.  This  man  said  that  the  local  gen- 
darmes used  to  be  fairly  friendly.  He  did  not  belong  to  any 
church  or  sect,  though  once  used  to  attend  the  Chundokyo 
meetings,  but  had  not  for  some  time.  He  came  to  the  hospital 
on  March  28th  and  promptly  received  attention. 

(12)  An  Tong  An,  54,  of  Ko  Yang  Koon,  was  struck  on 

38 


arm  with  a sword  in  its  scabbard,  and  when  down  on  the  ground 
was  beaten  with  clubs.  He  said  that  500  or  so  gathered  in  the 
neighborhood  and,  after  marching  around,  shouted  the  independ- 
ence cry  outside  the  gendarmes  office.  A number  of  Japanese 
gendarmes  (so  he  thought)  were  there  in  civilian  clothes,  and 
very  soon  five  mounted  policemen,  five  gendarmes  with  guns, 
and  twenty  civilians  (private  clothes  policemen),  rushed  down 
on  the  crowd.  This  was  after  the  gendarme  officer  told  them 
to  go,  threatening  them  with  his  revolver,  whereupon  the  crowd 
said  they  were  not  afraid  of  that.  The  Koreans  used  no  violence 
and  did  not  carry  sticks  or  stones.  He  came  to  the  hospital 
March  28th  and  had  prompt  attention.  He  has  no  religious 
beliefs. 

(13)  Kim  Kwang  Un,  age  72,  of  Anak,  went  to  On  Chang 
market,  and,  with  others,  perhaps  500  or  600,  called  “Mansay.” 
The  head  gendarme  exhorted  them  to  go  away,  hit  several,  and 
insulted  others  with  bad  names.  At  this  the  crowd  surged  round 
and  asked  why  he  should  strike  the  people,  and  as  there  were 
several  arrested  in  the  gendarme  station  they  asked  for  their 
release.  The  crowd  would  not  disperse  so  two  Japanese  and 
two  Korean  gendarmes  came  out  and  fired,  killing  three  and 
wounding  many,  perhaps  twenty.  Then  the  Koreans,  enraged, 
threw  stones  at  the  station,  and  the  gendarmes  continued  to 
fire  from  behind  the  fence.  This  man  was  shot  in  the  shoulder. 
He  tried  to  get  to  Seoul,  and  was  arrested  at  Chinnampo,  hands 
tied,  and  he  was  beaten  and  insulted  and  questioned  as  to  who 
told  him  to  go  to  Severance.  The  same  thing  happened  at  Chai 
Ryung  Ub,  but  after  telling  him  to  go  to  the  Japanese  hospital 
they  found  that  he  was  not  to  be  frightened  and  let  him  go. 
He  came  to  Seoul  and  was  given  immediate  help.  He  is  a mem- 
ber of  the  Presbyterian  church. 

(14)  Song  Yun  Pok,  of  Duksan,  aged  21.  Shot  in  face. 
Broken  half  of  bullet  extracted  from  upper  jawbone  behind. 
Gave  same  evidence  as  other  men  from  Duksan. 

(15)  Koo  Nak  Saw,  admitted  in  frightfully  mutilated  con- 
dition. Died  after  a few  hours.  Got  no  particulars  from  him. 

(16)  Rii  Nam  Kee,  aged  22,  of  Paju,  beaten  with  clubs  so 
badly  that  we  could  get  no  information  from  him  as  to  particulars 
of  wounds.  Admitted  on  Saturday,  March  29th,  and  died  at 
1 :00,  Sunday  afternoon. 


39 


Statements  Taken  by 

(17)  Sung  Yong,  age  16,  lives  near  the  river  at  Hyum 
Sung  Li.  On  the  evening  of  the  23rd  of  March,  at  10  P.  M., 
this  boy  went  out  with  a crowd  of  men  and  boys,  shouting 
“Mansay.”  About  twenty  soldiers  came  to  disperse  them.  Most 
of  the  crowd  scattered.  This  lad  dropped  behind  and  was 
wounded  by  a bayonet  in  the  hand  of  one  soldier  who  ran  ahead. 
Then  a second  soldier  came  up  behind  and  thrust  a bayonet  in 
the  lad’s  stomach.  The  cut  was  four  or  five  inches  in  length 
on  the  right  side  of  the  abdomen.  He  was  a third-year  student 
of  the  Huun  Sang  School.  He  had  a grandmother  who  had 
attended  the  Presbyterian  church.  He  himself  had  gone  a few 
times  only.  His  mother  was  not  a believer. 

(18)  Yi  Han  Dom,  aged  32.  At  See  Ki  Moon  An,  inside 
the  little  East  Gate  Seoul.  About  the  22nd  of  March  several 
hundred  men  went  out  without  any  stones  or  clubs  and  cried 
“Mansay.”  Soldiers  came  and  fired  on  them.  One  shot  him 
and  he  will  probably  lose  an  eye. 

(19)  Mi  Syun  Myung,  aged  33,  a rice  huller.  At  Tukum 
went  out  with  a crowd  of  about  500  men,  unarmed.  Yelled 
“Mansay.”  Four  gendarmes  came  on  the  scene,  fired,  killing 
one  and  wounding  eight  others,  of  whom  he  was  one.  Not  a 
member  of  any  church  or  of  the  Chundokyo.  He  was  shot 
through  both  legs  with  one  bullet. 

(20)  Chung  Yung  Heui,  aged  34,  lives  in  the  county  of 
Paiju.  On  March  28th,  at  one  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  a crowd 
of  400,  yelling  “Mansay,”  were  met  by  Japanese  gendarmes, 
who  fired.  Eight  men  were  killed.  They  had  done  no  violence, 
and  were  not  even  armed  with  rocks.  This  man  was  shot 
through  the  neck. 

(21)  Yu  Yung  Kun,  aged  42,  a leader  of  the  Sin  San  Lee 
Presbyterian  church  in  Paiju  county,  65  li  from  Seoul.  A crowd 
of  probably  1,000  men  went  out  with  bare  hands  to  cry  “Mansei.” 
He  was  shot  by  Japanese  gendarmes  who  followed,  shooting  as 
they  ran.  Three  were  killed  and  three  wounded.  This  man  was 
shot  through  the  side  of  the  neck. 

(22)  Koo  Chun  Myun,  a farmer,  aged  34,  went  out  with  a 
crowd  of  500  or  600  at  Kwang  ju  Ub  on  27th  of  March  at  1 
P.  M.  The  gendarmes  fired,  and  this  man  was  hit  on  the  jaw 
and  a large  part  of  the  jawbone  shot  away.  Three  were  killed 
and  this  man  severely  wounded. 

40 


Exhibit  VIII 

Interviewed  by April  1-5,  1919 

(1)  Song  Si  Ung,  of  Po  Chun,  aged  47,  gave  same  evidence 
as  previous  man.  (See  No.  16,  Series  1.)  This  man  was  shot 
in  top  of  skull.  Bullet  extracted  by  Dr.  Ludlow.  No  religion. 

(2)  Syung  Myeng  Ni,  aged  32,  of  Duksan,  was  shot  in  leg 
and  operated  on  by  Dr.  Ludlow.  This  man  is  not  in  normal 
senses,  so  cannot  investigate  particulars.  Took  part  in  crowd 
shouting,  as  others  above.  No  religion. 

(3)  San  Syen  Nan,  aged  27,  of  Po  Chun,  San  Myen,  Syen 
Tal  Li.  Went  to  market  at  Solmoo  Chang  on  market  day,  and, 
with  about  200  others,  called  “Mansei.”  The  gendarmes  came 
out,  warned  the  people  not  to  enter  the  market  calling  out.  But 
the  crowd  continued  to  come  on.  They  had  no  sticks  or  stones 
and  showed  no  violence.  The  Korean  gendarmes  fired  into  the 
air,  but  the  Japanese  gendarmes  fired  into  the  crowd.  Nine 
were  killed  and  many  injured.  This  man  was  shot  in  the  leg, 
and  managed  by  stealth  to  get  up  to  Severance.  No  religion. 

(4)  Pak  Yun  Nak,  aged  25,  of  Ko  Yang  Kun,  Chi  to  Nyen, 
Totangki,  a church  member  in  Sa  Myen  church,  met  with  all 
his  villagers  and  those  of  other  villages  at  the  end  of  March,  and 
without  violence  paraded  the  village,  calling  “Mansay.”  Some 
mounted  gendarmes  came  from  Seoul  after  this  and  told  the 
people  to  stop  calling  and  parading  and  to  go  home.  This  they 
did  and  that  day  there  was  no  violence  or  trouble.  Five  days 
later  a number  of  gendarmes  from  Seoul  came  down,  and,  going 
from  house  to  house,  inquired  if  the  occupant  had  called 
“Mansay”  on  the  previous  occasion.  This  man  replied  “Yes, 
but  we  stopped  and  went  home  when  you  told  us  to.”  This  man 
and  many  others  were  arrested  and  taken  to  Seoul.  At  the 
Governor  General’s  (he  said,  not  the  prison)  he  and  many  others 
were  taken  out  and  flogged.  I saw  the  bruises  on  his  body.  He 
received  60  strokes,  30  at  12  o’clock  and  30  at  2 o’clock.  Many 
others  received  like  treatment.  He  is  now  in  the  hospital  await- 
ing attention. 

The  following  young  men  gave  exactly  the  same  evidence : 

(5)  Chung  Hung  Pong,  aged  16. 

(6)  Ri  Chun  Sai,  aged  21. 

(7)  Chang  Oo  Sang,  aged  24. 

41  ' 


( 


(8)  Pak  Cha  Kwo,  aged  41,  of  E.  Chun  Ub,  Ri  Chung 
Moon,  Umnai  Myen,  Pang  Ko  Ri,  are  arrived  in  hospital  April 
3rd  with  bad  bullet  wound  through  neck.  Was  attended  to 
immediately  and  life  saved.  He,  with  others,  shouted  on  market 
day.  There  was  a big  crowd  but  no  violence  shown.  In  the 
evening  they  were  attacked  by  the  Japanese  gendarmes  and 
many  killed  and  wounded.  This  man’s  neck  was  in  such  bad 
condition  that  he  could  hardly  speak  and  so  could  not  give  much 
evidence. 

(9)  Kim  Kum  Tung,  a lad  of  15  years  (13  western  count) 

of  Choong  Chong  Do,  was  brought  to  the  hospital  on  the  back 
of  his  father.  He  was  shot  through  the  thigh  and  forearm. 
The  father  gave  the  following  account:  The  little  village,  as 

arranged,  went  out  on  the  evening  of  April  1st,  and  shouted 
“Mansay.”  About  midnight  fires  were  lit  on  the  hills,  and 
shouts  went  up,  but  no  violence  was  shown.  Presently  eight 
Japanese  gendarmes  appeared  and  fired  on  this  band  of  twenty 
men  and  boys,  with  the  result  that  one  was  killed  and  thirteen 
wounded. 

(10)  Pang  Choon  Ho,  25  years,  of  above  village,  shot  in 
leg,  gave  similar  evidence  as  above.  His  younger  brother,  Pang 
Sin  Sik,  aged  21,  was  shot  in  many  places  on  legs  and  arms, 
and  his  elder  brother  was  killed. 

(11)  Pak  Syung  Koon,  aged  44,  of  above  village,  gave  a 
like  account  of  the  shooting  affray.  This  man  was  shot  with 
B.B.  shot.  He  was  struck  in  many  places. 

(12)  Ri  Pok  Yun,  aged  26,  of  Suwon,  said  that  on  the  last 
of  March  he  joined  a crowd  of  from  300  to  350  villagers  from 
the  neighborhood.  They  paraded  through  the  villages  until  they 
came  to  the  Myen  So  (District  Local  Office).  There  the  Myen 
Jang  (Village  Headman),  joined  them  and  they  went  on  to  the 
police  office.  The  Korean  officer  in  charge  came  out  and  said. 
“Because  I am  a policeman  in  the  government  employ  and  wear- 
ing a uniform,  I cannot  join  you,  but  my  heart  is  with  you.  Go 
on,  call  out  ‘Mansay,’  and  I hope  we  will  get  independence.” 
Going  a little  further  they  were  suddenly  approached  by  three 
Japanese  soldiers,  who  fired,  wounding  two  men,  who  fell.  The 
other  demonstrators  ran  away,  but  on  seeing  that  two  of  their 
neighbors  were  wounded,  forty  or  fifty  of  them  came  back. 
These  were  at  once  arrested  under  threat,  tied  together,  and 

42 


taken  to  the  Suwon  police  station.  There  they  were  kept  for 
two  days,  searched,  examined,  and  beaten  from  50  to  90  strokes, 
and  then  sent  home.  The  two  wounded  men  were  also  sent 
home.  In  the  meantime  a Japanese  doctor  had  looked  at  the 
wounded  men  and  tied  up  this  patient’s  leg,  which  had  a bullet 
wound,  with  cotton  wool.  He  came  to  Severance  Hospital  on 
April  4th.  The  crowd  did  no  violence,  he  asserts,  simply  waved 
the  Korean  flag  and  shouted  the  independence  cry. 

Exhibit  IX 

DEATH  OF  A KOREAN  YOUNG  MAN  BY  NAME  OF 
KOO  NAK  SOH 

On  March  27th,  at  about  9 P.  M.,  a large  body  of  young 
men  gathered  at  Andong,  Seoul,  and  shouted  “Mansei.”  The 
shouting  had  continued  for  a few  minutes  when  a large  force 
of  police  gendarmes  and  soldiers  arrived  and  dispersed  them. 
The  above-named  young  man,  like  the  others,  was  peacefully 
going  home  and  alone,  was  walking  along  a small  street  when 
suddenly  some  one  pushed  him  violently  in  the  back,  causing  him 
to  stumble  and  fall.  His  assailant  was  a policeman  who  had 
seen  him  in  the  crowd  and  followed  him  to  the  place  where 
he  thought  fit  to  make  the  attack.  After  throwing  him  to  the 
ground  the  policeman  drew  his  sword  and  literally  hacked  at 
him  “like  a woodsman  would  attack  a rough  old  oak.”  His  skull 
was  cut  right  through  so  that  the  brain  was  visible.  This  had 
been  accomplished  by  at  least  three  sword  cuts  falling  in  or  near 
the  same  place.  His  hands  were  terribly  cut,  his  left  wrist  was 
also  cut  through  to  the  bone.  Those  who  saw  the  corpse  stated 
that  there  were  twenty  sword  cuts  but  the  photograph  only 
reveals  ten. 

After  this  brutal  attack  on  this  unarmed  and  defenceless 
young  man,  the  officer  ran  away,  leaving  him  in  his  terrible  agony 
to  expire  in  a few  minutes.  Some  Koreans,  happening  to  pass 
by,  carried  him  to  (the  nearest  native  hospital  (Kuck  Chai  Hos- 
pital), but  little  could  be  done,  so  they  placed  him  on  a stretcher 
and  started  out  for  the  Severance  Union  Medical  College,  still 
thinking  that  his  life  might  be  saved.  While  hurrying  to  the 
Severance  Hospital  they  were  stopped  by  a policeman  from  the 
Honmachi  police  station,  who  spoke  to  them  in  a threatening 
way  and  did  all  he  could  to  prevent  the  case  being  taken  to  a 

43 


foreign  hospital.  They  remonstrated,  saying  that  the  case  was 
so  serious  that  a delay  in  taking  the  man  to  the  Japanese  hospital, 
which  was  some  distance  away,  would  surely  result  fatally.  The 
Japanese  are  naturally  anxious  that  such  cases  should  not  be 
seen  by  foreigners.  On  arriving  at  the  Severance  Hospital 
medical  examination  revealed  the  fact  that  the  man  was  already 
dead.  It  is  impossible  to  say  just  when  he  died.  His  dead  body 
presented  the  most  pitiful  appearance.  Numbers  of  sword  cuts 
had  mutilated  his  head  and  hands.  His  clothing  was  saturated 
with  blood — indeed  a sight  never  to  be  forgotten. 

During  the  following  day  his  little  cousin,  a mission  school 
girl,  stood  watch  over  his  body  in  the  morgue,  nothing  would 
persuade  her  to  leave  the  remains  of  the  one  she  loved.  Another 
life  has  been  sacrificed  for  the  cause  of  Korean  liberty.  “We 
hope  that  the  great  God  who  sees  our  pitiful  state  will  come  ere 
long  and  judge  in  righteousness  and  justice.” 

Note — The  deaths  so  far  are  estimated  at  about  1,000,  while 
those  in  prison  number  about  6,000.  The  people  have  not  one 
rifle  or  sword  among  them.  They  lift  up  their  empty  hands  and 
call  upon  God  and  all  those  who  knowing  him  love  righteousness 
and  justice. 


Exhibit  X 

STATEMENT  CONCERNING  REMOVAL  OF  WOUNDED 
MEN  FROM  SEVERANCE  HOSPITAL,  APRIL  10TH 

By 

During  the  forenoon  of  April  10th,  a gendarme  sergeant 
named  H.  Inouye  called  at  the  office  and  stated  that  the  police 
wished  to  examine  certain  of  the  wounded  men  at  our  hospital, 
and  asked  that  these  men  be  sent  to  the  Yamadomachi  gendarmes 
office  for  examination. 

The  request  being  reported  to  Dr.  Avison,  he  said  that  the 
question  of  their  removal  would  have  to  be  determined  by  the 
surgeon,  Dr.  Ludlow,  and  suggested  that  the  examination  take 
place  at  the  hospital  rather  than  that  the  men  be  subjected  to 
the  dangers  of  a transfer.  To  this  they  agreed,  requesting  that 
a private  room  be  arranged  where  the  examination  could  be 
conducted  privately.  They  thought  it  might  take  one  hour  for 
each  man. 


44 


In  the  afternoon,  gendarme  Sergeant  H.  Nagase,  accom- 
panied by  nine  gendarmes,  came  to  the  hospital  and  presented 
his  card  and  a list  of  seven  names  of  men  who  were  to  be 
examined.  Dr.  Ludlow  was  called  in  order  that  he  might 
determine  whether  the  cases  could  be  removed  from  their  beds 
to  this  room.  Such  as  could  be  removed  were  examined  in  the 
room,  while  the  others  were  examined  at  the  bedside.  The 
examination  was  completed  in  much  less  time  than  had  been 
anticipated,  so  that  they  were  through  with  it  about  5 :30  P.  M., 
I think. 

Sergeant  Nagase  then  said  he  would  take  five  men  with  him 
for  further  examination,  leaving  two  with  us,  providing  we  would 
undertake  to  notify  the  police  department  twenty-four  hours 
before  their  being  ready  for  discharge.  Dr.  Avison  called  Dr. 
Ludlow  and  asked  him  to  state  whether  these  patients  could  be 
safely  removed.  Dr.  Ludlow  stated  that  none  of  them  ought  to 
be  removed  at  this  time.  The  officer  said  they  had  a doctor 
at  the  Police  Department  who  would  make  the  dressings  and 
look  after  their  treatment.  Dr.  Ludlow  then  objected  in  par- 
ticular to  the  removal  of  three  out  of  the  five  men,  and  after  a 
time  they  consented  to  leaving  one  of  those  three.  After  further 
conversation  they  consented  to  leave  another,  taking  with  them 
three  men,  as  follows: 

Yum  Myung  Suk,  gunshot  wounds  in  abdomen  and  arm. 

Song  Yung  Pok,  gunshot  wound  in  face — bullet  extracted. 

Yee  Myung  Keui,  gunshot  wounds  in  groin  and  thigh. 

Four  men  were  left  in  charge  of  the  Hospital  Superintendent, 
Miss  Esteb,  with  directions  that  twenty-four  hours  previous  to 
their  being  ready  for  discharge  the  Police  Department  should  be 
notified.  They  are  as  follows : 

Yi  Kai  Dong,  gunshot  wounds,  right  thigh  and  left  knee. 

Kang  Yong  Yi,  gunshot  wound,  thigh,  large  portion  torn 
away. 

Kim  II  Nam,  gunshot  wounds,  both  thighs  and  cheek. 

Ryoo  Soon  Nyung,  gunshot  wounds,  both  thighs. 

Story  of  Torture  by  Released  Male  Prisoner 

On  the  first  day  of  March,  1919,  at  9 o’clock,  a demonstration 
began,  starting  from  the  Nandaimon  Station  and  proceeding 
toward  and  through  the  South  Gate.  The  demonstrators  were 

45 


calling  “Mansei”  as  they  ran.  I happened  to  be  in  the  vicinity 
when  the  demonstrations  started,  and,  impelled  by  patriotic 
impulses,  I joined  the  crowd  and  proceeded  with  them  for  some 
distance.  I then  returned  to  the  railway  station  district,  and 
some  policemen,  noticing  perspiration  on  my  forehead  and  neck, 
arrested  me  as  a demonstrator.  Three  Japanese  gendarmes  took 
me  to  police  headquarters,  where  I spent  the  night  in  a cell. 

About  10  o’clock  the  next  morning  I was  called  before  a 
procurator  and  examined.  I was  asked:  “Why  did  you  shout 

‘Mansei’?”  I replied,  “I  was  so  glad  to  hear  about  the  inde- 
pendence of  Chosen  that  I joined  in  the  shout.”  “Who  instructed 
you  to  do  so?”  “There  was  nobody  who  instructed  me;  I did 
it  of  my  own  accord.”  “In  that  case,”  he  replied,  “you  have 
not  only  violated  the  peace,  but  are  a real  rioter.  You  shall  be 
punished,  you  may  be  sure  of  that.”  I replied,  “You  may  punish 
me  according  to  law.”  “Are  you  a Christian?”  he  asked.  “Yes, 
I am.” 

After  this  I was  taken  to  an  inner  quarter  and  shut  up  for 
two  days  and  nights.  About  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning  of 
the  third  day  I was  released,  after  being  admonished. 

Two  days  after  I was  released,  a friend  called  at  my  home 
and  I dined  with  him  that  evening.  I talked  to  him  about  a letter 
I had  received  from  a friend  of  mine  in  America.  My  friend 
asked  if  he  could  read  the  letter,  and  I showed  it  to  him.  He 
asked  me  to  let  him  take  it  away  with  him,  but  I did  not  want 
him  to  take  it.  Then  he  said,  “If  you  will  let  me  have  it  I can 
stir  up  the  students  in  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Industrial  School.  I can 
reach  thousands  of  people.  The  students  of  that  school  are 
employed  everywhere.  I can  also  reach  those  employed  in  the 
tobacco  factories.  I can  make  this  letter  of  use  in  helping  the 
independence  movement.”  I replied  that  I was  sorry  I could 
not  let  him  have  it.  I bade  him  good-bye. 

Next  morning  about  10  o’clock  two  gendarmes  came  to  my 
home  to  arrest  me.  I went  along  with  them  and  was  imprisoned 
in  the  police  headquarters.  About  three  hours  after  being  locked 
up  I was  brought  before  an  examiner.  The  procurator  asked : 
“Do  you  know  your  crime?”  I replied,  “No,  I do  not  know  my 
crime.”  He  said  angrily,  “You  must  tell  about  the  communica- 
tion between  you  and  your  friend  in  America.  If  you  do  not 
you  will  be  punished  by  torture.”  “I  have  had  nothing  to  do 

46 


with  it  at  all,”  I replied.  At  this  the  gendarmes  who  were 
standing  near  me  struck  me  on  the  face  with  their  hands.  This 
made  me  indignant,  and  I kicked  them  repeatedly.  For  this  they 
beat  me  terribly.  The  procurator  interrupted  the  melee,  and  I 
was  put  in  solitary  confinement.  Torture  apparatus  was  placed 
near  me.  Soon  after  I was  put  in  a press,  in  an  upright  posture, 
the  sides  of  the  press  contracting  as  a wheel  on  the  back  was 
turned.  I was  then  told  to  reveal  the  truth.  But  I continued  to 
maintain  my  innocence.  I kept  on  protesting,  and  said,  “Kill 
me  if  you  like.”  I was  again  put  in  the  press,  which  was  screwed 
so  tightly  I could  scarcely  breathe.  Still  I protested  my  inno- 
cence to  the  end.  They  said,  “This  man  is  a knave,”  and 
threatened  to  kill  me. 

After  this,  they  took  the  middle  finger  of  my  right  hand, 
tied  strong  cord  around  it,  passed  the  end  of  the  cord  over  a 
board  near  the  ceiling,  and  pulled  on  the  cord  until  my  whole 
body  was  hanging  by  the  finger,  only  the  tips  of  my  toes  touch- 
ing the  floor.  I gradually  became  unconscious.  When  I awoke 
I found  myself  lying  on  the  floor,  and  do  not  know  how  long 
I had  been  left  suspended.  I felt  my  forehead  and  found  it  wet 
with  perspiration.  Although  I could  scarcely'  move  my  body 
1 tried  to  make  myself  as  comfortable  as  I could. 

The  following  morning  about  eleven  o’clock  I was  again 
brought  out  for  examination,  and  after  being  admonished  was 
released  the  second  time.  My  home  had  been  searched  and 
no  evidence  of  any  kind  had  been  found. 

My  hand  was  in  a swollen  condition,  and  I went  to  a Korean 
doctor  for  treatment  for  several  days.  Not  receiving  much  benefit 
I came  to  the  Severance  Dispensary,  where  I received  treatment 
in  the  surgical  department. 

Exhibit  XI 

THE  EXPERIENCE  OF  A KOREAN  GIRL  UNDER 
ARREST  BY  THE  POLICE 

Statement  by 

It  was  on  the  fifth  of  March  that  I,  with  others,  who,  for 
the  liberty  of  our  loved  land,  formed  into  a procession  at  the 
South  Gate,  and,  as  a token  that  we  were  ready  to  shed  our 
blood  for  liberty,  wore  red  belts  and  red  bands  on  our  arms. 

47 


We  were  marching  from  the  station  toward  Chongno,  cheering 
and  shouting  “Mansei.”  As  we  were  nearing  the  Dok-su  Palace, 
all  of  a sudden  a Japanese  policeman  seized  me  from  behind  by 
my  hair  and  I was  violently  thrown  to  the  gorund.  He  kicked 
me  several  times  with  his  merciless  foot.  At  this  I was  rendered 
almost  unconscious.  He  rushed  me  along  by  my  hair  and  I 
was  led  to  the  Chongno  Police  Department.  At  the  entrance  of 
the  police  office,  twenty  or  more  Japanese  policemen  who  stood 
in  line,  sneered,  and  kicked  me  and  struck  me  with  their  swords 
and  struck  me  in  the  face  so  many  times  that  I became  almost 
unconscious.  The  cruelty  was  so  great  that  at  times  I did  not 
realize  whether  they  were  beating  me  or  someone  else.  This 
was  really  more  than  I was  able  to  bear.  My  hands  and  legs 
were  bleeding  terribly.  My  body  was  black  and  blue  from  their 
blows. 

I was  led  into  a room  and  here  again  I was  handled  brutally, 
as  before.  They  dragged  me  on  the  floor,  they  struck  me  in  the 
face,  they  struck  me  with  their  swords,  they  flung  me  to  one 
corner  of  the  room.  At  this  point  I must  have  been  completely 
unconscious,  as  I do  not  remember  what  happened  after  that. 

On  recovering  my  senses  I found  myself  in  a room  packed 
with  young  men  and  women.  I saw  some  of  them  handled  so 
brutally  it  almost  broke  my  heart  to  see  them  beaten.  After 
some  time,  we  were  cross-examined  by  a police  officer,  one  by 
one.  It  is  beyond  my  power  to  convey  to  another  person  how 
those  cross-examinations  were  carried  on.  I was  made  to 
kneel  down  with  my  legs  bound  together,  and  each  question  and 
answer  was  accompanied  alternately  by  blows  in  the  face.  They 
spit  in  my  face.  This  with  curses  and  invectives  of  the  worst 
kind.  He  said,  “You  prostitute,  you  vile,  pregnant  girl!”  I was 
ordered  to  expose  my  breasts,  but  refusing,  they  tore  my  upper 
garment  from  me  and  I was  told  all  sorts  of  inhuman  things 
which  shocked  me  terribly.  They  tied  my  fingers  together  and 
jerked  them  violently.  This  made  me  feel  as  if  my  fingers  were 
being  torn  from  my  hand.  I shut  my  eyes  and  dropped  down 
on  the  floor.  Thereupon  the  examining  officers  uttered  a loud, 
angry  roar  and  ordered  me  to  kneel  down  as  before,  then  rushed 
at  me,  seizing  me  by  the  breast,  and  struck  me  violently.  Is 
there  anything  to  be  compared  with  this  inhuman  treatment? 
He  then  said:  “You  want  independence,  eh?  Preposterous 

45 


thought.  You  will  get  independence  when  you  are  locked  in 
jail.  Your  life  will  vanish  with  a stroke  of  the  sword.”  He 
then  shook  me  fiercely  by  the  hair.  He  pulled  me  by  the  ear. 
But  he  was  not  satisfied  even  with  this,  so  he  beat  me  on  the 
head  with  a stick  without  mercy.  They  made  me  to  extend  my 
hands  and  hold  up  a heavy  chair,  which,  if  I let  drop,  he  would 
strike  my  elbow  with  a stick.  He  made  me  kneel  down  near 
a window  with  the  chair  held  up  as  before.  If  the  chair  was 
lowered,  or  it  touched  the  window  pane,  he  would  come  and 
strike  me.  An  hour  or  so  was  passed  in  this  manner,  when  I 
was  told  to  go  down  the  stairs.  I found  that  I was  completely 
exhausted.  I could  not  walk;  I crawled  on  the  floor  with  much 
difficulty,  even  with  the  help  of  one  of  their  professional  spies, 
who  followed  me.  I arose  and  attempted  to  go  downstairs.  As 
I made  the  first  step  down  my  strength  gave  out  and  so  I rolled 
down  the  whole  length  of  the  stairs.  I was  again  unconscious. 

On  recovering  my  senses,  I was  obliged  to  crawl  into  a 
room.  The  policeman  in  charge  of  the  room  was  very  much 
amused  to  see  me  crawling  into  the  room.  He  laughed  loudly 
at  my  misery.  Then  I prayed,  and  seemed  to  see  Jesus,  and 
was  much  comforted  from  on  high.  I thank  the  Lord  for  the 
comfort  he  gave  me  at  this  time. 

I spent  five  days  in  all  at  the  police  station.  Then  I was  sent 
to  the  West  Gate  Penitentiary.  There  I was  stripped  naked  and 
was  looked  at  by  the  men.  Then  I was  allowed  to  put  on  my 
dress  and  was  led  into  a room.  I was  sneered  at  and  cursed 
beyond  my  power  to  realize.  In  this  room  there  were  sixteen 
persons  who  were  like  myself.  The  room  was  not  very  large 
and  so  we  were  densely  packed  together.  The  toilet  arrange- 
ments are  placed  in  the  room  just  like  the  pig’s  shelter.  The 
room  was  so  filthy  that  it  was  not  fit  even  for  pigs.  We  were 
given  beans  and  salt  to  eat.  While  we  were  eating,  now  and 
then,  someone  would  look  in  and  call  us  all  sorts  of  names : 
“You  dogs!”  “You  pigs!”  etc. 

On  the  second  day,  a person  called  the  police  doctor,  and 
several  others  came  in  and  weighed  me  stripped  naked.  They, 
too,  sneered  and  spat  upon  me.  Now  and  then  I was  told  by 
the  keeper  there  that  I would  be  tried  publicly.  I looked  for- 
ward to  that  with  a great  deal  of  consolation,  as  I thought  I 
would  have  some  chance  to  state  my  case  without  reserve,  but, 

49 


alas ! I was  let  out  one  day  without  trial,  and  without  being  told 
the  nature  of  my  offense  or  indeed  that  there  had  been  legal 
offense. 

Exhibit  XII 

STORY  OF  RELEASED  GIRL  PRISONER 

Reported  by 

Today,  March  28th,  1919,  a girl,  , about  21  years 

of  age,  came  to  our  home  and  told  the  following:  “I  was 

arrested  on  the  streets  of  Pyengyang,  the  third  of  March,  and 
taken  to  the  police  station.  There  were  many  others,  both  men 
and  women.  They  asked  if  we  smoked,  if  we  drank,  and  if  we 
were  Christians.  Soon  all  were  let  out  with  little  or  no  punish- 
ment, with  the  exception  of  twelve  Methodist  women,  two 
Presbyterians,  and  one  Chundokyo  woman.  Three  of  the 
Methodist  women  were  Bible  women.  They  stripped  all  the 
women  naked  in  the  presence  of  many  men.  They  found  noth- 
ing against  me  except  that  I had  been  on  the  street  and  had 
shouted  ‘Mansei.’  They  beat  me  until  the  perspiration  stood 
out  all  over  my  body.  Then  they  said,  ‘Oh,  you  are  hot/  and 
threw  cold  water  over  my  naked  body.  My  arms  were  pulled 
tight  behind  my  back  an/  tied.  Then  they  beat  me  again  until 
my  body  was  covered  with  perspiration,  and  then  threw  the 
cold  water  over  me.  Then,  saying  I was  cold,  they  stuck  me 
with  the  lighted  end  of  their  cigarettes.  (Some  were  stuck  with 
hot  irons.)  My  offense  was  very  little  compared  with  those  who 
made  flags,  took  part  in  the  independence,  etc.  Some  were 
beaten  until  they  were  unconscious.  One  young  woman  was 
just  at  the  time  of  her  monthly  sickness.  She  resisted  having 
her  clothes  taken  off.  They  tore  off  her  clothing  and  beat  her 
all  the  harder — but  did  not  pour  the  cold  water  on  her.  After 
four  days  we  were  taken  to  the  prison.  Here  we  were  packed 
in  a room  with  men  and  women.  One  day  an  old  man  was 
beaten  until  he  died.  One  of  the  Bible  women  was  right  next 
to  him.  She  asked  to  be  moved,  but  they  compelled  her  to 
watch  the  dead  body  all  night.  One  of  the  Bible  women  not 
only  had  her  hands  bound,  but  had  her  feet  put  in  stocks.  They 
took  our  Bibles  away  and  would  not  allow  us  to  talk  or  pray. 
They  made  vile  and  indecent  remarks  to  us.  All  this  was  done 
by  the  Japanese.  Though  there  were  Korean  policemen  in  the 

50 


room  they  took  no  part  in  the  beating  or  in  the  vileness.  The 
Japanese  know  the  Bible  and  blaspheme  the  name  of  Christ,  and 
asked  us  if  there  was  not  a man  by  the  name  of  Saul  who  was 
put  in  prison.  They  asked  us  most  of  all  as  to  what  the 
. foreigners  had  said,  and  were  most  vile  and  cruel  to  those  who 
had  been  with  the  missionaries,  or  who  had  taught  in  the  Mission 
schools.  Some  of  the  girls  were  so  changed  that  they  did  not 
look  like  persons.” 

Later,  one  of  the  above  women  died  in  the  prison.  (This 
not  confirmed.) 

Exhibit  XIII 


BRUTALITIES  AT  TAIKU 

Statement  by 


On  March  8th,  when  occurred  the  demonstration  here  and 
many  arrests  were  made,  a young  man  by  name  of  Kim  Yong 
Nai,  the  son  of  the  Elder-Helper  of  the  Third  City  Church,  and 
a regular  member  of  the  same,  was  seized  by  a Japanese  offi- 
cer, thrown  to  the  ground,  and,  while  prostrate,  was  kicked  sev- 
eral times  on  the  head  and  back  of  the  neck.  He  was  bleeding 
profusely  when  led  into  the  police  station.  The  above  I have 
from  an  eyewitness. 

He  was  kept  in  jail  for  two  weeks.  During  this  time,  the 
eyewitness  referred  to,  who  was  in  the  next  cell  and  was  re- 
leased at  the  same  time,  testifies  that  he  heard  his  -friend  cry 
out  a number  of  times  at  the  pain  of  punishment  which  was 
inflicted  upon  him  in  jail,  which  frequently  took  the  form  of 
beating  one  on  the  head  with  the  iron  key  of  the  cell.  When 
released,  he  still  complained  of  his  head.  In  a few  days  after 
his  release  he  was  taken  sick,  and  complained  that  he  suffered 
terrible  pain  in  his  head  and  that  it  “seemed  as  if  all  one  side 
of  his  head  was  gone.”  He  became  delirious  and  died  after  an 
illness  of  about  ten  days.  The  night  he  died  he  was  protesting 
in  his  delirium  that  he  was  innocent  and  that  his  punishment 
was  too  severe.  The  doctor  who  attended  him  states  that  he 
died  from  blows  on  the  head.  I saw  the  body  and  the  neck  and 
the  base  of  the  skull  was  darkly  discolored.  He  was  a secretary 
to  a Japanese  lawyer  and  very  widely  known  in  the  city.  His 
father  is  still  in  jail  and  another  member  of  the  family  is  at 
the  point  of  death. 


51 


Among  the  demonstrators  at  a magisterial  town  near  here 
three  men  were  shot  dead  and  a number  wounded  and  some 
forty  or  fifty  taken  prisoner.  Among  the  wounded  I have  seen 
one  and  have  the  following  story  direct  from  him : In  the  early 
P.  M.  there  had  been  a demonstration  and  some  arrests  made*. 
Late  in  the  P.  M.  he  and  some  fifteen  others  were  standing  at 
an  inn  where  was  a man  who  had  been  wounded.  Three  Jap- 
anese soldiers  and  eight  policemen  gathered  and  ordered  the  men 
to  leave.  My  informant’s  brother  asked  what  they  meant  by 
shooting  down  an  innocent  unarmed  man.  Whereupon  a soldier 
clubbed  him  with  his  gun.  Upon  seeing  his  brother  thus  treated, 
he  objected  and  was  fired  upon  and  shot  in  the  side.  While 
streaming  from  this  wound  he  again  complained  against  such 
treatment,  and  was  answered  again  by  another  shot  through 
the  neck.  This  second  shot  was  fired  by  a local  Japanese 
merchant,  although  there  were  at  least  ten  regular  officers 
of  the  law  present  and  only  some  fifteen  men  gathered.  I 
understand  that  two  Japanese  civilians  did  all  the  shooting 
that  day  and  boasted  of  the  same. 

I had  another  personal  testimony  from  a released  prisoner 
of  the  use  of  the  key  placed  between  the  fingers  and  the  fingers 
being  tied  at  the  ends ; the  key  is  turned  until  the  arms  become 
paralyzed.  This  is  the  second  personal  testimony  from  eye- 
witnesses to  this  form  of  torture. 

The  reports  of  deaths  from  shooting  we  hear  are  all  under- 
stated, and  no  record  of  the  death  or  burial  is  made. 

I spent  the  entire  day  of  April  11th  at  the  court  attending 
the  trial  of  some  seventy  odd  Christians.  Among  them  and 
recommended  for  six  months  were  some  who  testified  that  they 
were  simply  in  the  crowd  but  had  called  nothing.  It  seemed 
that  everything  was  construed  in  the  severest  form. 

April  14th,  1919. 


Exhibit  XIV 

ARTICLE  IN  SEOUL  PRESS  EXONERATING 
MISSIONARIES,  MARCH  14,  1919 

Rumors  have  been  rife  that  foreign  missionaries  incited 
the  disturbances,  or  at  least  showed  sympathy  with  the  rioters. 
These  rumors  owe  their  origin  to  the  fact  that  among  the  leaders 

52 


of  the  rioters  there  have  been  found  Christian  pastors  and  stu- 
dents of  mission  schools,  so  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  they 
gained  currency.  But  that  they  are  entirely  groundless  has  been 
established  by  the  result  of  investigations  into  the  matter  con- 
ducted by  the  authorities.  The  authorities  have  carried  out 
thorough  and  strict  inquiries  concerning  it  and  are  satisfied  that 
there  is  no  trace  whatever  that  foreigners  instigated  the  dis- 
turbances. Nor  is  there  any  evidence  that  they  knew  before- 
hand of  the  occurrence  of  the  trouble  or  gave  support  to  the 
rioters.  It  is  wrong  to  harbor  suspicion  against  foreigners  with- 
out justifiable  grounds.  It  is  still  more  to  be  condemned  to 
spread  through  the  press  false  reports  and  baseless  accusations 
against  foreigners,  fabricating  such  reports  and  accusations  out 
of  mere  suspicion.  Such  acts  will  excite  the  ill  feeling  of  for- 
eigners against  Japan  and  may  cause  trouble  in  international 
relations.  Should  any  foreigners  be  found  guilty  of  sedition 
or  similar  offense,  the  authorities  will  have  no  hesitation  in 
prosecuting  them,  but  as  none  have  been  found  to  be  respon- 
sible for  the  recent  trouble,  people  at  large  should  cast  away 
whatever  doubt  they  may  still  entertain  against  them. 

Exhibit  XV 

THE  DEMONSTRATION  AT  TONG  CHAING 

The  village  of  Tong  Chaing  contains  about  300  houses. 
The  young  men  of  the  place  had  been  wishing  to  make  a demon- 
stration for  some  time  previous,  but  Mr.  Han,  an  elder  in  the 
church,  and  other  church  officers  discouraged  it,  as  they  feared 
that  there  might  be  violence  on  the  part  of  the  demonstrators, 
there  being  a body  of  500  miners  working  in  the  mines,  not  far 
away  who  might  take  this  occasion  to  rise  against  the  police. 

But  on  March  29th,  this  being  market  day  and  many  people 
having  come  in  from  outside,  a demonstration  was  started  by 
some  children.  Others  joined  in  until  there  were  four  or  five 
hundred  people  marching  through  the  town  and  shouting  “Man- 
sei.”  The  demonstration  was  entirely  peaceful,  no  stones  were 
thrown  and  no  resistance  was  offered  to  the  officers  of  the  law. 
The  police  came  out  and  arrested  seventeen  persons,  half  or 
more  of  them  being  Christians.  Among  those  arrested  were  five 
women.  Later  on  other  arrests  were  made.  The  people  arrested 

53 


were  all  taken  to  the  police  station.  From  this  point  on,  this 
account  will  be  confined  largely  to  the  experiences  of  three  of 
these  women: 

is  a widow  living  in  Tong  Chaing.  She  is  thirty-one 

years  of  age  (Korean  count),  and  has  one  child.  She  was  in 
the  crowd,  calling  “Mansei,”  and  was  arrested  by  a Japanese 
policeman.  She  was  taken  into  the  office  and  a policeman  tore 
ofif  the  underclothes  and  she  protested.  As  a result  they  struck 
her  in  the  face  with  her  hands  till  she  was  black  and  blue.  She 
clung  to  her  underwear,  and  they  put  a wooden  paddle  down 
between  her  body  and  the  underclothes  to  pry  them  away. 
They  beat  her  systematically  on  the  arms  and  legs  with  a paddle. 
The  beating  continued  for  some  time.  The  police  then  stopped 
the  beating  and  sat  down  to  drink  tea  and  eat  Japanese  cakes, 
meanwhile  making  fun  of  the  woman  sitting  there  naked.  There 
were  many  men  in  the  room.  After  about  an  hour  they  allowed 
her  to  have  some  of  her  clothes  and  sent  her  into  an  adjoining 
room,  where  many  of  the  arrested  people  were  detained.  About 
the  time  the  lights  were  lighted  in  the  evening,  she  was  called 
out  again  into  the  office,  and  put  in  charge  of  an  elderly  man 
and  his  wife  with  instructions  to  be  responsible  for  her  and 
bring  her  back  when  summoned  to  do  so.  For  a week  after- 
wards she  had  to  lie  down  most  of  the  time  and  could  not 
walk  around. 

is  a widow,  thirty-four  years  of  age,  and  has  two  chil- 
dren. She  also  had  a part  in  the  demonstration.  She  was 
arrested  by  a policeman.  On  the  way  to  the  station,  though 
not  resisting,  her  arm  was  twisted  to  the  point  of  dislocation. 
Taken  into  the  office  at  the  police  station,  the  policeman  struck 
her  in  the  face  with  his  hand,  then  forced  her  into  a sitting  posi- 
tion and  kicked  her  in  the  head.  She  fell  over  here  and  he 
continued  kicking  her.  Then  he  forced  her  to  stand,  and  ordered 
her  to  take  off  her  clothing.  She  took  off  the  outer  clothes,  but 
left  on  the  underclothes.  She  was  ordered  to  remove  these,  but 
did  not  do  so.  At  this  point  in  their  treatment  of  her  the  pro- 
ceedings were  interrupted  by  another  outburst  in  the  cheering 
out  on  the  street,  and  many  of  the  policemen  went  out  to 
make  further  arrests.  She  was  allowed  to  put  on  some  of  her 
clothes  and  was  sent  into  the  next  room,  where  those  arrested 
were  detained.  She  was  kept  there  all  night  and  released  the 

54 


next  morning  with  the  woman  whose  account  is  given  below. 

Both  of  the  above  women  belonged  to  the  middle  class  of 
Korean  women,  not  the  coolie  class,  and  are  bright,  intelligent 
women.  Both  have  attended  the  Bible  Institute  for  a number  of 
terms. 

is  the  wife  of  . He  was  a teacher  for  a time  in 

the  . She  is  a very  bright,  intelligent  woman.  She  has 

one  child  four  years  of  age  and  is  probably  two’  or  three  months 
advanced  in  her  second  pregnancy.  She  had  taken  a small  part 
in  the  demonstration,  and«had  gone  to  the  house  of  Pyo  Hak 
Sun,  to  comfort  Pyo  Hak  Sun’s  mother,  who  was  distressed 
because  her  daughter  had  been  arrested.  As  she  came  out  of 
the  house,  several  police  and  soldiers  came  into  the  yard.  They 
knew  she  was  the  school-teacher  and  had  been  searching  for 
her  at  the  school.  They  accused  her  of  trying  to  hide,  which 
she  denied.  Asked  her  if  she  had  called  “Mansei,”  said  that 
she  had.  They  ordered  her  to  leave  her  child,  which  she  was 
carrying  on  her  back  and  come  with  them,  and  she  obeyed.  As 
she  stood  in  front  of  the  door  of  the  police  station,  a policeman 
kicked  her  forcibly  from  behind,  and  she  fell  forward  into  the 
room.  As  she  lay,  stunned,  on  the  floor,  a policeman  put  his 
foot  on  her  head.  Then  he  forcibly  raised  her  up  and  struck 
her  many  times  over  the  head  and  face.  He  jerked  at  the 
strings  that  held  on  her  clothing  and  ordered  her  to  remove 
her  clothes.  She  hesitating,  he  tore  them  off  forcibly,  mean- 
while constantly  kicking  and  striking  her.  He  also  beat  her  with 
a heavy  stick  and  with  a paddle.  He  tore  off  her  underclothes 
and  kicked  her  in  the  chest  and  beat  her,  accusing  her  of  setting 
the  minds  of  the  Korean  children  against  Japan,  and  said 
that  he  intended  to  beat  her  to  death.  She  tried  to  cover  her 
nakedness  with  the  underclothes  that  had  been  stripped  from 
her,  but  they  were  grabbed  away.  She  tried  to  sit  down,  but 
was  forced  to  rise  by  constant  kicking  and  beating  with  a 
stick.  She  tried  to  turn  away  from  the  many  men  in  the  room, 
but  was  constantly  forced  to  turn  again  so  as  to  face  the  men. 
She  tried  to  protect  herself  with  her  hands  and  arms,  and  one 
man  twisted  her  arms  behind  her  back  and  held  them  there 
while  the  beating  and  kicking  continued.  All  parts  of  her  body 
were  beaten.  She  became  benumbed  and  was  losing  conscious- 
ness of  pain.  Her  face  swelled  and  her  body  became  discol- 

55 


ored.  She  had  to  be  held  up  and  the  ill-treatment  continued. 
Finally  they  ceased  and  put  her  at  one  side  of  the  room,  leav- 
ing her  there  for  a time.  They  then  took  the  lunch  mentioned 
in  the  statement  concerning  Chung  Chung  Yul.  She  was  after- 
wards ordered  to  put  on  her  clothes  and  was  sent  into  the 
next  room  with  the  others.  About  9 P.  M.  the  three  women 
mentioned  above  and  the  other  two  women  who  had  been 
arrested  were  again  called  into  the  office.  They  were  asked 
if  they  now  realized  that  it  was  a wrong  thing  to  call  “Mansei” 
and  if  they  would  repeat  the*  attempt.*  They  released  three  of 
the  women  but  kept  Pyo  Hak  Sun  and  Yi  Hyo  Syung.  These 
two  women  were  sent  back  to  the  side  room,  where  they  spent 
the  night,  as  well  as  the  other  prisoners. 

The  next  morning  the  examination  of  the  prisoners  began, 
some  men  being  examined  first.  In  the  meantime  the  news 
of  the  way  the  women  were  being  treated  spread  through 
the  village,  and  a crowd  of  about  five  hundred  people  gathered 
in  the  morning.  Some  of  them  were  for  attacking  the  police 
station  and  taking  revenge  for  the  mistreatment  of  the  women. 
But  Elder  Han  advised  against  the  use  of  violence  or  doing 
anything  unlawful.  Finally  cooler  counsels  prevailed,  and  it 
was  decided  to  send  in  two  representatives  to  make  a protest. 
Two  men  were  chosen,  neither  of  them  Christians,  and  one  of 
them  speaking  Japanese,  and  these  two  went  into  the  police 
office,  the  crowd  waiting  outside.  They  protested  against  the 
stripping  of  the  women  as  being  unlawful.  The  chief  of  police 
said  that  they  were  mistaken — that  it  was  permissible  under 
Japanese  law.  Also  said  that  they  were  searching  for  unlawful 
papers.  The  men  then  wanted  to  know  why  they  stripped  only 
the  younger  of  the  women  and  not  the  older,  and  why  they 
were  beaten  after  being  stripped,  and  why  only  women  and 
not  men  were  stripped?  The  chief  of  police  could  not  answer. 
There  was  considerable  conversation.  The  delegates  from  the 
crowd  were  determined,  and  the  crowd  itself  was  getting  more 
and  more  restless  and  noisy,  many  demanding  that  they  too  be 
imprisoned  or  that  the  prisoners  all  be  released.  The  chief  of 
the  police  was  finally  forced  to  yield,  and  he  agreed  to  release 
all  but  four  of  the  prisoners. 

, the  widow  mentioned  above,  had  to  be  supported 

on  either  side  as  she  came  out.  had  to  be  carried  out  on 

56 


a man’s  back.  As  they  saw  the  women  being  brought  out  in 
this  condition,  a wave  of  pity  swept  over  the  whole  crowd, 
and  with  one  accord  they  all  burst  into  tears  and  sobbed.  Some 
of  them  cried  out,  “It  is  better  to  die  than  to  live  under  such 
savages,”  and  there  was  a strong  sentiment  in  favor  of  attack- 
ing the  police  office  with  their  naked  hands,  of  capturing  the 
chief  t)f  police  and  stripping  him  and  beating  him  to  death. 
But  Elder  Han  and  other  wiser  heads  prevailed,  and  kept 
the  people  from  any  act  of  violence,  and  finally  got  them  to 
disperse. 

A day  or  two  later  representatives  of  six  hundred  miners 
from  the  mines  not  far  away  came  to  Elder  Han  and  inquired 
the  particulars  of  the  affair  from  him.  They  said  that  it  was 
impossible  to  bear  with  such  savages,  and  that  they  were  de- 
termined to  make  an  attack  on  the  police  and  take  revenge.  He 
argued  with  them  for  some  time.  One  of  them  at  least  had 
been  drinking,  and  he  got  out  of  patience  with  the  Elder  and 
hit  him  in  the  groin.  But  Elder  finally  persuaded  them  to 
at  least  wait  until  the  Christians  then  under  detention  in  the 
police  office  were  either  released  or  sent  to  some  other  place, 
as  the  Christians  did  not  wish  to  be  implicated  in  any  violence. 

Later  another  demonstration  was  held  here,  and  at  least 
two  men  were  reported  shot,  but  as  it  had  no  particular  con- 
nection with  the  one  partially  described  above,  there  is  no 
necessity  of  details  being  given  here. 

Exhibit  XVI 

STATEMENT  ON  POLICE  METHODS 

Letter  to  Hon..  

April  7th,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  — : — 

We  planned  for  the  opening  of  the  new  term  of  college 
and  academy  on  April  4th  after  the  vacation  which  began 
March  5th,  when  the  students  had  been  dismissed  earlier  than 
expected  and  diplomas  were  given  without  graduation  exer- 
cises because  the  night  before  the  dormitories  were  visited  after 
midnight  by  the  firemen  with  clubs,  and  some  of  the  students 
dragged  out  and  beaten.  On  April  2nd  and  3rd  there  was 
a systematic  canvass  of  the  city  houses,  and  students  from 

57 


Mission  schools  were  arrested,  some  of  them  beaten,  some  soon 
dismissed,  and  others  detained  under  arrest.  Word  from  the 
chief  of  police  to  one  of  our  Japanese  professors  was  that 
students  entering  school  for  the  new  term  must  be  sent  to 
the  police  station,  where  they  would  be  examined.  As  in  the 
minds  of  all,  such  arrest  was  usually  accompanied  with  beat- 
ing and  kicking,  and  such  mistreatment  before  any  investiga- 
tion or  inquiry  as  to  conduct,  it  was  impossible  to  expect  any 
students  to  enroll.  And  as  for  the  academy,  two  students  came, 
one  former  student  and  one  new  one,  they  disappearing,  however, 
upon  the  appearance  of  the  Prefect  and  his  interpreter  with 
swords  who  came  to  enquire  as  to  the  prospects  of  opening 
the  school.  At  the  college  one  student  came  but  left  at  once 
upon  hearing  what  the  chief  of  police  had  said.  Whether  this 
was  intended  to  prevent  the  opening  of  schools  I do  not  know, 
but  it  may  account  for  the  non-enrollment  of  students. 

That  afternoon,  April  4th,  about  3.30  P.  M.,  when  most 
of  the  missionaries  had  gathered  for  a prayer  meeting  at  Mrs. 
Holdcroft’s  home,  a cordon  of  police  and  gendarmes  was  sud- 
denly picketed  all  about  our  property,  and  procurators  and 
police  and  gendarmes  began  to  search  our  residences.  We  were 
telephoned  to  from  one  of  the  houses.  I immediately  went  to 
my  house,  found  the  compound  gates  shut  and  gendarmes 
on  guard,  about  twenty  police  and  gendarmes  picketing  the 
compound,  and  upon  going  into  the  house  I found  my  wife 
and  children  watching  some  sixteen  to  twenty  gendarmes, 
police  and  detectives  in  charge  of  a procurator  and  his  inter- 
preter already  searching  three  rooms.  I asked  the  head  man 
if  he  had  a search  warrant,  and  he  replied : “No,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary.” I said:  “I  cannot  give  my  consent  to  the  search.”  He 
then  gave  me  his  card,  and  I said : “Of  course  you  can  forcibly 
search,  but  it  will  be  without  my  consent.”  He  said  that  that 
would  be  all  right.  (I  judge  that  as  he  was  a procurator  he 
had  the  legal  right  to  search  even  without  my  consent.)  They 
spread  through  the  whole  house,  and  in  my  study  and  in  Mrs. 
Moffet’s  bedroom  made  a most  thorough  search  of  desks,  draw- 
ers, bureaus,  papers,  letters,  etc.,  even  going  into  my  property 
deeds  and  the  safe. 

They  were  not  rude  nor  disrespectful,  and  one  said  that 
he  did  not  like  the  job,  but  had  to  do  as  he  was  ordered.  How- 

58 


ever,  it  was  anything  but  pleasant  to  have  to  endure  the  indig- 
nity of  having  twenty  officers,  gendarmes,  police  and  detec- 
tives take  possession  of  everything  in  order  to  find  practically 
nothing.  In  my  study  among  my  secretary’s  papers  in  the 
drawer  of  his  desk  they  found  the  following  inconsequential 
things : 

1.  A copy  of  the  program  of  the  Prince  Yi  Memorial 
service  and  the  Independence  service  of  March  1st  written  in 
ink  in  Korean. 

2.  A small  piece  of  paper  with  a statement  in  Korean 
of  the  number  of  men  killed  at  Anju  and  the  number  of  those 
who  had  taken  part  from  the  several  villages  at  Anju,  in  the 
demonstration. 

3.  An  envelope  directed  to  the  Theological  Seminary,  com- 
ing through  the  mail  with  stamp  and  postmark  on  it,  contain- 
ing five  copies  of  the  Independence  Newspaper.  This  had  come 
when  I was  in  Seoul  and  was  in  the  Secretary’s  desk,  where 
my  Korean  letters  are  placed. 

None  of  the  above  had  I ever  seen  before,  and  the  procu- 
rator’s interpreter  afterwards  told  me  that  my  secretary  also 
denied  knowledge  of  the  first  two. 

After  searching  the  house,  they  searched  the  outbuildings, 
the  guest  house  and  an  empty  Korean  house  in  the  lower 
part  of  my  compound  where  my  Bible  woman  and  her  son, 
my  secretary,  had  lived  for  years  and  which  they  again  had 
permission  to  occupy.  As  we  were  trying  to  open  the  front 
door  of  the  guest  house,  my  secretary  came  out  of  the  back 
door  where  apparently  he  had  been  sleeping  for  several  nights. 
(I  did  not  know  he  had  occupied  this  room,  although  he  had 
had  my  permission  since  February  to  reoccupy  the  Korean 
house  where  he  had  formerly  lived ; that  is  to  say,  this  house 
in  the  lower  part  of  the  compound.)  They  seized  him,  tied 
him,  and  according  to  the  statement  of  my  two  sons  who  saw 
it  (I  did  not  see  it),  they  hit  him,  kicked  him,  punched  him, 
his  nose  bleeding,  and  one  man  hit  him  across  the  cheek  with 
a short  whip.  In  the  empty  Korean  house  referred  to  they 
found  two  copies  of  a mimeographed  notice  in  Korean,  thin 
paper  rolled  up  into  a small  ball  and  thrown  away.  The  de- 
tective told  me  that  a boy  had  confessed  that  several  of  them 
had  taken  my  mimeograph  from  the  study  and  printed  notices 

59 


in  that  empty  house.  I,  of  course,  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  if 
true,  it  was  probably  done  during  my  nine  days  absence  in 
Seoul,  March  17th  to  25th. 

While  searching  my  house,  the  houses  of  Miss  Snook,  Mr. 
Mowry,  Mr.  Gillis,  Mr.  McMurtrie,  Mr.  Reiner,  Dr.  Baird, 
and  the  Foreign  School  Dormitory  were  also  searched.  Miss 
Betts  refused  permission  to  search  that  house  as  they  had  no 
warrant,  and  their  supply  of  procurators  being  short,  there 
was  no  procurator  in  that  party  of  police  and  they  refrained 
from  searching  her  house.  At  Miss  Snook’s  house  they  arrested 
the  matron,  cook  (a  woman)  and  a young  man,  Miss  Salmon’s 
secretary,  searching  Miss  Salmon’s  room  very  carefully.  At 
Mr.  Mowry’s  they  arrested  a teacher  of  the  City  Church  School 
who  was  leaving  just  as  the  police  came,  he  having  come  to 
see  Mr.  Mowry,  the  principal,  about  the  opening  of  school 
that  day,  also  a student  who  had  just  been  released  from  jail 
and  had  come  to  tell  Mr.  Mowry  about  his  release.  I think 
another  boy  was  taken  there,  and  I understood  they  expressed 
disappointment  at  not  finding  Mr.  Mowry’s  secretary.  At  Mr. 
Gillis’  house  they  arrested  a boy  who  had  been  working  in  his 
garden  for  two  weeks,  a theological  student  from  the  country 
who  had  come  in,  and  a medical  student  from  Seoul,  formerly 
a student  here.  These  three  had  hidden  in  the  house  before 
Mr.  Gillis  returned  from  prayer-meeting.  In  Mr.  Reiner’s 
yard — who  had  been  somewhere  on  the  compound  and  who  was 
trying  to  escape,  gave  himself  up  to  the  gendarmes,  who  pro- 
ceeded to  beat  him,  strike  him  on  the  head  and  knocked  him 
down,  after  which  they  kicked  him  on  the  head  several  times. 
At  Dr.  Baird’s  they  arrested  a college  student  who  was  acting 
as  secretary  to  him. 

So  far  as  I know  there  was  nothing  wrong  about  any  of 
these  being  on  our  places  or  in  our  houses,  most  of  them 
having  regular  occupations.  But  as  the  whole  population  is 
fearful  of  unlawful  beatings,  some  of  them,  when  they  saw 
the  police  coming,  hid  and  tried  to  escape  capture.  They 
searched  my  cook  also,  but  did  not  arrest  him.  They  marched 
off  with  their  captives  and  went  through  the  seminary  dor- 
mitories, from  which  they  took  another  mimeograph,  and, 
breaking  two  windows  in  the  Southern  Presbyterian  Cottage 
for  Professors,  I am  told  arrested  a man  who  had  gone  in 

60 


there.  Three  men  came  back  and  asked  to  take  two  mimeo- 
graphs from  my  study,  to  which  I consented,  asking  for  a 
receipt,  which  they  said  I could  get  the  next  day  at  the  police 
office.  That  night,  between  seven  and  eight  o’clock,  Mr.  Mowry 
telephoned  me  that  a messenger  from  the  police  office  had  come, 
asking  him  and  me  to  go  down.  I met  them  at  my  gate  and  wc 
went  down  together.  We  were  shown  into  a small  room  where 
were  three  police  and  sat  down,  waiting  for  thirty-five  minutes 
before  Mr.  Mowry  was  called  out  for  examination.  While  wait- 
ing, we  were  talking  together  in  English  when  one  of  the 
policemen  said,  “You  are  not  allowed  to  talk.”  Surprised,  I 
replied,  “What,  are  we  under  arrest?”  He  jumped  up  at  once 
and  said,  “Wait  a minute,”  went  out,  and  came  back  shortly, 
saying,  “Never  mind  it  is  all  right.”  I replied  “Of  course  it  is,” 
and  we  continued  our  conversation.  After  Mr.  Mowry  was 
called,  I was  kept  waiting  another  hour,  and  was  then  called 
out  for  examination  before  the  procurator  and  his  interpreter 
who  had  searched  my  house,  also  a scribe  and  for  a part  of 
the  time  another  elderly  official.  They  were  very  polite  and 
very  pointed  in  their  questions,  asking  particularly  about  my 
knowledge  of  or  connection  with  the  independence  meeting 
of  March  1st,  about  my  secretary,  his  being  on  my  place,  and 
about  the  keys  of  the  house  in  which  he  had  been  and  whether 
he  could  have  had  the  use  of  the  key  without  my  knowledge, 
about  the  use  of  my  mimeographs,  whether  with  my  consent 
and  knowledge  as  to  the  use  to  which  they  had  been  put.  They 
asked  about  the  three  papers  found  in  my  secretary’s  desk 
in  my  study  and  about  my  absence  in  Seoul,  about  the  salaries 
of  my  Bible  woman  and  secretary  and  my  own  financial  condi- 
tion, saying  that  I was  reputed  to  be  very  wealthy,  owning 
much  land.  After  an  hour’s  questioning,  in  which  they  learned 
that  I knew  nothing,  had  consented  to  nothing,  and  was  in  no 
way  a party  to  or  knew  anything  which  may  have  been  done 
by  my  secretary  or  others  on  the  place  or  with  my  mimeograph 
(the  secretary  always  having  full  access  to  the  mimeograph 
for  secretarial  work),  that  I had  stayed  in  Seoul  on  account 
of  medical  work  for  my  wife  and  child  at  the  hospital,  and 
that  the  land  in  my  name  was  the  property  of  the  Board  of 
Missions,  of  the  Church  and  of  schools,  they  finished  the 
examination. 


61 


I then  made  request  for  a policeman  to  accompany  me 
and  Mr.  Mowry  home,  as  it  was  near  midnight  and  a mis- 
sionary had  recently  been  stopped  at  night  on  the  way  to  the 
railway  station  by  two  Japanese  armed  with  clubs,  and  it  was 
not  safe  for  foreigners  to  be  out  at  night.  They  said  there 
was  no  danger,  but  I called  their  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Japanese  papers  were  publishing  abusive  articles  about  us  and 
that  the  low-class  Japanese  had  great  hatred  towards  us.  They 
consented  to  send  a policeman,  asking  me  to  wait  a little  while, 
and  I was  shown  into  the  main  office  of  the  police  station, 
where  I saw  sitting  on  the  floor  at  one  end  the  group  of  stu- 
dents and  secretaries  who  had  been  arrested  that  afternoon 
and  Dr.  Baird’s  translator  who  had  been  arrested  the  night 
before.  I asked  if  I might  speak  to  them,  but  was  refused 
permission  to  do  so.  After  waiting  some  twenty  minutes  the 
procurator  and  his  interpreter  came  in  and  said  that  they  would 
send  a policeman  home  with  me.  I suggested  that  I wait  for 
Mr.  Mowry,  but  they  said  that  his  examination  was  not  yet 
finished,  and  that  I had  better  go  first.  I then  asked  to  see 
Mr.  Mowry,  to  tell  him  that  I was  going  out  and  would  relieve 
his  wife’s  anxiety  by  telling  her  that  they  would  send  a police- 
man with  him  a little  later.  One  said,  “He  is  now  being  exam- 
ined, but  I will  tell  him.”  I then  went,  accompanied  by  a 
Korean  policeman,  but  could  not  waken  Mrs.  Mowry,  so  went 
home.  I did  not  sleep  well,  and  in  the  morning  had  a hard 
headache,  so  stayed  in  bed.  About  seven  o’clock  Mrs.  Mowry 
telephoned  Mr.  McMurtrie  that  Mr.  Mowry  had  not  come 
home  and  asked  if  I had.  He  came  to  see  me  and  I suggested 
that  he  get  Mr.  Bernheisel  and  at  once  go  to  the  police  sta- 
tion ascertain  the  situation,  and  if  Mr.  Mowry  were  under 
arrest,  to  ask  the  nature  of  the  charges,  telegraph  you  at  once, 
ask  to  see  Mr.  Mowry,  and  send  him  food.  Mr.  Bernheisel 
will  write  you  what  followed.  I hope  that  I have  not  written 
in  too  great  detail,  but  it  seems  better  to  write  some  things 
which  may  seem  of  trivial  import  rather  than  leave  out  the 
very  things  you  may  wish  to  hear. 

Saturday  afternoon,  April  5th,  five  of  those  arrested  were 
released — Miss  Snook’s  matron  cook.  Miss  Salmon’s  secretary, 
the  City  School  teacher,  Mr.  Gillis’  working  boy,  and  Dr.  Baird’s 
secretary;  and  on  Sunday  morning  Dr.  Baird’s  translator  was 

62 


released,  the  translator  reporting  that  while  he  was  not  beaten, 
the  others  had  been  shamefully  beaten  while  being  examined. 
Saturday  afternoon  Mr.  Mowry’s  secretary,  who  graduated 
from  the  college  in  March,  came  to  Mr.  McMurtrie’s  and  said 
that  he  thought  it  best  to  give  himself  up  to  the  police  and  not 
to  try  to  escape  from  arrest.  We  then  arranged  that  Mr.  Bern- 
heisel  should  go  to  the  police  offiice,  Dr.  Moore  taking  him 
down  in  his  auto  and  report  to  the  police  that  his  secretary 
was  ready  to  deliver  himself  up  if  they  would  send  out  a man 
for  him.  Dr.  Moore  brought  the  man,  a detective  who  .knows 
all  the  students,  back  in  his  auto,  and  Mr.  Mowry’s  secretary, 
Yi  Po  Sik,  came  out  from  Mr.  McMurtrie’s  and  gave  himself 
up.  Mr.  McMurtrie  accompanied  him  and  the  detective  in  the 
auto  to  the  police  station  and  we  thus  secured  him  immunity 
from  beating  on  the  way.  The  secretary  did  this  on  his  own 
initiative.  He  asked  me  for  advice,  but  I told  him  that  he 
would  have  to  decide  for  himself.  When  the  police  came  on 
Friday,  he  had  hidden  and  escaped  arrest. 

This  is  all  I need  to  report  now.  I shall  write  you  later, 
commenting  on  the  situation.  I would  say,  however,  that  per- 
sonally I do  not  believe  Mr.  Mowry  has  done  anything  which 
renders  him  liable  to  the  law. 

Exhibit  XVII 

STATEMENT  CONCERNING  THE  REMOVAL  OF 
WOUNDED  MEN  FROM  SEVERANCE  HOSPITAL 

By  Dr.  O.  R.  Avison,  President 

During  the  forenoon  of  April  10th,  a gendarme  sergeant 
named  H.  Inouye  called  at  the  office  and  stated  that  the  police 
wished  to  examine  certain  of  the  wounded  men  in  our  hos- 
pital, and  asked  that  these  men  be  sent  to  the  Yamadomachi 
gendarmes  office  for  this  examination. 

The  request  being  reported  to  Dr.  Avison,  he  said  that 
the  question  of  their  removal  would  have  to  be  determined 
by  the  surgeon,  Dr.  Ludlow,  and  suggested  that  the  examina- 
tion take  place  at  the  hospital  rather  than  that  the  men  be 
subjected  to  the  dangers  of  transfer.  To  this  they  agreed, 
requesting  that  a private  room  be  arranged  where  the  exam- 

^3 


ination  could  be  conducted  privately.  They  thought  it  might 
take  one  hour  for  each  man. 

In  the  afternoon,  Gendarme  Sergeant  H.  Nagase,  accom- 
panied by  nine  gendarmes,  came  to  the  hospital  and  presented 
his  card  and  a list  of  seven  names  of  men  who  were  to  be 
examined.  Dr.  Ludlow  was  called  in  order  that  he  might  de- 
termine whether  the  cases  could  be  removed  from  their  beds 
to  this  room.  Such  as  could  be  removed  were  examined  in 
the  room,  while  the  others  were  examined  at  the  bedside.  The 
examining  was  completed  in  much  less  time  than  had  been 
anticipated,  so  that  they  were  through  with  it  about  5.30  P.  M., 
I think. 

Sergeant  Nagase  then  said  he  would  take  five  men  with 
him  for  further  examination,  leaving  two  with  us  provided  we 
would  undertake  to  notify  the  Police  Department  twenty-four 
hours  previous  to  their  being  ready  for  discharge.  Dr.  Avison 
called  Dr.  Ludlow  and  asked  him  to  state  whether  these 
patients  could  be  safely  removed.  Dr.  Ludlow  stated  that  none 
of  them  ought  to  be  removed  from  the  hospital  at  this  time  as 
they  still  needed  treatment.  The  officer  said  they  had  a doctor 
at  the  Police  Department  who  would  make  the  dressings  and 
look  after  their  treatment.  Dr.  Ludlow  then  objected  in  par- 
ticular to  the  removal  of  three  out  of  the  five  men,  and  after  a 
time  they  consented  to  leave  one  of  those  three.  After  further 
conversation  they  consented  to  leave  another,  taking  with  them 
three  men,  as  follows : 

Yum  Myung  Suk — Gunshot  wound  in  abdomen  and  arm. 

Song  Yung  Pok — Gunshot  wound  in  face — bullet  extracted. 

Lee  Myung  Keui — Gunshot  wounds,  groin  and  thigh. 

Four  men  were  left  in  charge  of  the  hospital  superintend- 
ent, Miss  Esteb,  with  directions  that  twenty-four  hours  pre- 
vious to  their  being  ready  for  discharge  the  Police  Department 
should  be  notified.  They  are  as  follows: 

Yi  Kai  Dong — Gunshot  wounds,  right  thigh  and  left  knee. 

Kang  Yong  Yi — Gunshot  wound,  thigh,  and  large  portior 
torn  away. 

Kim  II  Nam — Gunshot  wounds,  both  thighs  and  cheek. 

Ryoo  Soon  Myung — Gunshot  wounds,  both  thighs. 


64 


Exhibit  XVIII 

STATEMENT  BY  A KOREAN  STOREKEEPER 


“On  April  1st  a Japanese  policeman  and  a detective  came  to 
my  home  and  asked  to  see  the  owner.  I replied  that  the  master 
of  the  house  had  gone  to  the  country.  I was  told  to  telegraph 
immediately  for  him,  saying  the  police  required  to  see  him  at 
once.  The  officers  then  told  me  that  I must  go  with  them  to 
the  provincial  police  bureau.  I asked  that  they  go  first  and  I 
would  follow  right  away.  'To  this  they  replied:  ‘We  must  go 

together/ 

“On  arriving  at  a police  box  the  policeman  telephoned  some- 
where, stating  that  the  master  was  away,  and  that  he  was 
bringing  one  of  the  employees,  and  asked  whether  that  was 
satisfactory.  The  reply  was  ‘Yes/  I was  then  escorted  by 
these  officers  to  the  provincial  police  bureau,  where,  on  entering, 
I found  a large  number  of  business  men.  We  were  spoken  to 
and  then  given  a notice,  which  we  were  told  to  read  carefully. 
We  were  further  told  that  we  had  broken  the  law  and  had  done 
very  badly  for  a whole  month  by  keeping  our  stores  closed,  but 
for  that  offense  we  would  be  forgiven.  If,  however,  after  this 
special  forgiveness,  we  again  offended  by  not  opening  we  would 
be  punished  severely  by  the  law.  We  were  then  asked  to  sign 
the  following  guarantee : “If  you  will  please  help  and  protect  us 
we  will  open  our  shops  immediately/  We  were  told  that  if  we 
refused  to  sign  this  document  we  would  not  be  released.  As  far 
as  I know  all  signed. 

“A  spy  then  accompanied  me  to  the  store  and  threatened 
that  if  I did  not  open  he  would  take  me  back  to  the  police  bureau. 
I opened  reluctantly,  and  in  a short  time  one  Japanese  and  one 
Korean  spy  came  and  stayed  around  the  store  until  closing  time. 

“April  2nd,  1919,  I did  not  come  down  to  the  store  until 
late  in  the  morning.  When  I arrived  I found  that  the  lock  had 
been  wrenched  and  the  staple  broken  so  that  the  doors  could  be 
opened.  I had  not  been  in  the  store  long  when  a Korean  police- 
man came  and  stated  that  I must  report  to  the  police  box  at 
Kurigai.  I went  along  with  the  policeman  and  the  son  of  the 
proprietor  accompanied  us.  We  were  asked  why  we  had  not 
opened  early,  to  which  I replied  that  owing  to  some  special 
business  it  was  impossible.  A Japanese  policeman  slapped  me 

65 


on  the  face  for  this  answer.  The  son  of  the  storekeeper  was 
also  slapped  quite  frequently.  I was  struck  only  a few  times. 
One  of  the  officers  in  the  police  box  wrote  on  a piece  of  paper : 
‘I  promise  to  open  the  store  at  about  8 o’clock  in  the  morning.’ 
To  this  I had  to  put  my  seal. 

“April  3d.  I came  down  to  the  store  at  9:00  A.  M.  and 
opened  up.  Pretty  soon  a policeman  came,  and  said,  ‘Why  did 
you  not  open  up  at  8 A.  M.  as  you  promised?’  I made  some 
excuse,  so  again  I was  told  to  go  to  the  police  box.  Once  more 
I was  scolded,  but  not  struck.  The  officer  said  that  I must  write 
another  statement  in  which  I was  allowed  to  open  between  8 :00 
and  9:00  A.  M.,  but  not  later. 

“April  4th.  Opened  between  8:00  and  9:00  A.  M.  and  no 
trouble.” 


Exhibit  XIX 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

(To  a Canadian) 

April  10th,  1919. 

Dear  Mr. : 

I suppose  you  have  heard  of  the  Korean  revolt.  All  of  us 
are  so  exercised  over  it  that  it  is  hard  to  keep  our  noses  to  the 
grind,  or  our  hands  from  the  big  stick.  We  are  forced  to  keep 
as  free  from  entanglements  as  possible.  The  Japanese  have 
followed  their  usual  methods — terrorism  and  blustering.  They 
have  tried  their  best  to  shoulder  the  blame  of  it  upon  the  mis- 
sionaries, but  fortunately  the  rising  was  as  much  a surprise  to 
them  as  it  was  to  the  authorities,  if  I mistake  not.  However 
that  may  be,  let  me  state  my  reason  for  writing.  I have  tried 
to  get  an  honest  grasp  of  the  young  Korean’s  mind,  and  have 
put  the  result  of  my  investigation  down  in  black  and  white. 
I am  sending  you  a copy.  I found  that  the  outstanding  thought 
which  remained  with  me  was  the  failure  of  Japanese  Imperialism 
in  Korea,  so  I have  given  the  paper  that  pretentious  title. 
Surely  the  proof  of  successful  rule  is  a happy,  thankful,  and 
prosperous  people.  Korea  can  come  under  none  of  these  heads. 
You  saw  something  of  it  yourself.  If  travelling  in  Korea  was 
so  annoying  to  you,  you  can  take  it  from  me  that  it  is  a great 

deal  more  so  now.  — , my  old  teacher,  came  back  from 

66 


Japan  the  day  before  yesterday.  Every  place  he  reached  he 
found  that  his  coming  had  been  telegraphed  ahead,  and  that  he 
was  expected.  Some  system,  eh?  He  was  arrested  twice,  and 
though  they  could  find  nothing  against  him,  and  let  him  go,  it 
was  not  before  he  got  his  tale  of  stripes.  One  numbskull  of  a 
Japanese  gendarme  tried  to  force  him  to  sign  a paper  saying  that 
he  would  not  continue  his  studies  in  theology,  but  take  up  farm- 
ing. Men  are  being  arrested  here  every  day,  and  even  before  a 
question  is  asked  them  are  flogged  with  a two-inch  square  rod. 
Doctor  and  I saw  two  men  today  who  came  from  the  local 
Consulate  a few  days  ago.  One  fellow  had  left  his  house  today 
for  the  first  time  since  his  release  four  days  ago.  He  was  so 
badly  battered  and  bruised.  Their  shoulders  were  a horrible 
sight.  Torture  of  the  most  primitive  kind  is  used  and  some  finer 
touches  added.  For  example,  one  of  our  Christian  school- 
teachers told  me  yesterday  that  after  his  flogging  failed  to  elicit 
the  information  the  Japanese  wanted  they  bound  his  two  first 
fingers  together  and  gauged  a pen  through  between.  Try  it, 
and  see  how  it  feels.  The  devilishness  that  finds  the  nerves 
that  give  excruciating  pain  and  yet  does  not  mutilate  is — what 
shall  I call  it — Germanic?  The  offense  of  these  fellows  was  one 
of  having  waved  a Korean  flag  and  having  shouted  “Mansai ! 
Long  live  Korea !”  I could  tell  you  of  dozens  of  such  stories, 
and  you  would  scarcely  credit  them.  Here  is  one,  for  example : 

Four  young  fellows  arrived  in  the  first  day  of  the 

demonstration  and  took  no  part  in  it.  They  were  theological 
students,  and  were  found  in  the  college  dormitories  by  Japanese 
soldiers.  Tied  to  a wooden  cross  they  were  given  thirty-nine 
strokes  with  a paddle  and  told  that  as  Christ  suffered  on  the 
cross  it  was  fitting  that  they  should  do  the  same,  and  told  them 
they  must  be  bad  fellows  since  they  were  Christians. 

Well,  I have  written  a whole  paragraph,  with  what  con- 
tinuity of  thought  I don’t  know,  but  the  idea  that  runs  through 
it  is  clear  enough.  I want  you  to  know  what  is  happening. 
You  will  have  heard  from  other  missionaries,  but  you  can’t  hear 
too  much.  Japan  is  proving  the  Hun  of  the  East — the  big 
bully  that  strikes  where  no  retaliation  can  forthcome.  Koreans 
have  been  remarkably  restrained.  But  read  the  article.  If  you 
think  you  can  get  it  published  without  implicating  the  mission, 
do  so.  It  is  only  right  that  Canada  should  know,  as  well  as 

67 


other  lands,  what  Japan  is  at  home.  Talk  about  “No  Race 
Discrimination/’  Let  her  begin  at  home.  If  you  should  publish 

it  let  it  be  under  the  name  of , or  no  name  at  all.  If 

you  can’t  get  it  published  in  the  papers,  at  least  try  to  get  the 
facts  of  the  poor  Koreans  plight  before  Canada  some  way.  I 
know  that  we  should  try  to  keep  as  free  as  possible  from  political 
affairs.  But  you  need  to  see  things  for  yourself  and  then  ask 
whether  our  religion  must  be  denied  the  right  to  throw  its  white 
light  into  the  dark  corners.  We  can  do  nothing  but  publish  the 

facts,  but  that  is  all  they  expect  of  us.  And  we  in  

have  a better  chance  than  our  men  in  Korea.  I am  sending 
this  by  Chinese  post. 

Exhibit  XX 

FIRST  ACCOUNT  OF  MASSACRES  AND  BURNING 
OF  VILLAGES 

Statement  of  H.  H.  Underwood  as  to  trip  to  neighborhood 
of  Pal  Tan  Market,  town  in  County  of  Suwon,  Kyongki  Prov- 
ince, April  16  th: 

Party  left  Seoul  about  9:30  A.  M.,  by  writer’s  auto,  and 
proceeded  to  Pal  Tan  by  way  of  Suwon  and  Osan,  a distance  of 
slightly  over  46  miles  in  all.  About  two  miles  before  reaching 
Pal  Tan  a large  cloud  of  smoke  was  seen  rising  from  behind  a 
low  hill  beyond  the  market  town.  The  car  was  stopped  for  lunch 
here,  and  the  writer  strolled  over  to  a nearby  cluster  of  houses 
and,  finding  a farmer,  engaged  him  in  conversation.  After  a 
little  preliminary  talk: 

H.  H.  U. — What  is  that  smoke? 

Farmer — That  is  a village  that  has  been  burned. 

H.  H.  U. — When  was  it  burned? 

Farmer — Y esterday. 

H.  H.  U. — How  was  it  burned? 

Farmer  (glancing  around  fearfully) — By  the  soldiers. 

H.  H.  U.— Why?  Did  the  people  riot  or  shout  for  inde- 
pendence? 

Farmer— No;  but  that  is  a Christian  village. 

H.  H.  U. — Has  there  been  no  cheering  for  independence 

here? 

Farmer — Some  time  ago  there  was  in  the  market  town  on 
market  day. 


68 


H.  H.  U. — But  not  in  that  village? 

Farmer — I do  not  think  so.  Why  would  they  shout  all  by 
themselves  without  any  gathering  of  people? 

H.  H.  U. — Have  the  soldiers  been  here  to  this  village?  Are 
you  Christians? 

Farmer — Oh,  no ; there  are  no  Christians  here. 

H.  H.  U. — What  is  the  name  of  that  village? 

Farmer — Chay  amm  ni  (Cheamni.) 

I then  found  another  man  in  the  same  village,  and  the  same 
questions  brought  the  same  answers,  with  the  added  information 
that  there  were  few  or  no  travellers,  and  that  it  was  difficult 
to  know  what  was  happening,  and  that  the  people  had  not  been 
allowed  to  gather  for  market  on  the  last  market  day. 

After  lunch  we  drove  down  to  the  town  and  left  the  car,  as 
it  was  impossible  to  cross  the  stream  at  the  entrance  to  the  town. 
We  walked  past  the  police  station,  which  is  situated  where  the 
two  main  roads  entering  the  town  meet.  A file  of  soldiers  of 
the  78th  Regiment  was  standing  outside  the  station.  As  we 
were  passing  a Japanese  policeman  came  out  and  demanded 
where  we  were  going,  and  ordered  us  into  the  station.  We 
entered  as  two  Japanese  officers  got  up  and  left.  We  all  noticed 
their  shoulder  straps,  which  were  red  with  three  stars.  This. 
I am  told,  is  the  badge  of  first  sergeant.  The  policeman  who 
had  called  us  into  the  station  shouldered  a carbine  and  followed 
the  officers,  and  in  a moment  we  saw  them  setting  off  on  the 
road  to  Namyang,  with  the  policeman  in  the  lead. 

Mr.  Curtice  now  presented  his  card  to  the  officer  and  con- 
versed with  him  in  Japanese.  I do  not  speak  Japanese,  but  knew 
a little,  and  followed  a large  part  of  the  conversation.  After 
chatting  about  the  roads,  bridges,  mutual  acquaintances  in  Seoul, 
etc.,  Mr.  Curtice  casually  asked  about  the  fire.  The  chief  said 
that  there  had  been  a small  fire  but  that  it  was  now  out  and 
did  not  amount  to  much.  Asked  about  the  disturbances,  he 
said  that  there  had  been  a little  disturbance  in  that  part  of 
the  country,  but  that  it  was  now  over. 

After  some  more  general  conversation  Mr.  Curtice  asked  if 
rikishas  should  be  procured  in  the  town,  as  we  would  like  to  make 
a little  excursion  and  see  the  fire.  The  chief  asked,  “Which 
fire?”  Mr.  Curtice  said  the  nearby  one,  but  that  we  would 
probably  like  to  take  a little  ride  for  three  or  four  miles  in  the 

69 


country.  The  chief  seemed  a little  surprised,  but  said  “Yes,” 
and  sent  a policeman  with  us  to  the  rikisha  stand,  where  we 
hired  three  rikishas  and  set  out.  The  village  from  which  the 
smoke  was  rising  was  not  more  than  a mile  from  the  town,  and 
after  a short  ride  we  left  the  rikishas  and  walked  around  the  foot 
of  the  hill,  on  the  sides  of  which  was  the  village  we  had  seen. 

Our  estimate  and  the  statements  of  the  Koreans  agreed 
that  the  village  consisted  of  about  40  houses,  all  of  which  had 
been  burned  down  except  four  or  five  which  were  left  standing. 
The  rest  were  heaps  of  smoking  ashes  with  flames  still  visible 
here  or  there.  We  saw  groups  of  women,  children  and  old  men 
sitting  on  the  hillside  above  the  village  watching  the  ruins  in 
dumb  despair. 

We  walked  the  entire  length  of  the  village,  and  about 
halfway  up  we  saw  a corpse  of  a young  man,  horribly  burned, 
lying  just  outside  of  a building,  which  we  learned  later  had 
been  the  church.  This  body  was  photographed  where  it  lay. 
After  going  the  length  of  the  village  we  came  back  along  the 
hillside  and  called  to  a man  sitting  in  one  of  the  groups  men- 
tioned. He  came  and  I questioned  him,  but  found  that  fear 
and  shock  had  numbed  him.  He  held  his  head  in  his  hand  and 
said  that  everything  he  had  and  all  the  results  of  years  of  hard 
work  had  gone.  I condoled  with  him  and  asked  when  the  fire 
had  occurred.  He  said,  “About  this  time,  yesterday”  (2  P.  M.). 

H.  H.  U. — How  did  it  start? 

Korean — By  the  soldiers. 

H.  H.  U. — Were  many  people  burned  or  hurt? 

Korean — The  soldiers  killed  all  the  Christians  who  were  in 
the  church. 

H.  H.  U. — What  were  they  in  the  church  on  a Tuesday 
afternoon  for? 

Korean — Why,  the  soldiers  came  and  ordered  all  the  Chris- 
tian men  to  gather  in  the  church. 

H.  H.  U. — Were  there  women  in  the  church  too? 

Korean — No ; the  women  were  told  not  to  come. 

H.  H.  U. — Well,  after  the  Christians  gathered  in  the  church 
what  happened? 

Korean — The  soldiers  fired  on  them  and  also  used  their 
“Knives”  (swords  and  bayonets)  and  then  set  fire  to  the  church 

70 


H.  H.  U. — How  did  the  other  houses  catch? 

Korean — Some  caught  from  the  church  and  others,  on  the 
other  side,  where  the  wind  did  not  carry  the  flames,  were  set 
on  fire  by  the  soldiers. 

H.  H.  U. — How  is  it  you  are  alive? 

Korean — I am  not  a Christian,  and  only  the  Christians  were 
ordered  to  gather. 

H.  H.  U. — Your  house  also  was  burnt? 

Korean — Yes;  there  are  the  ruins  (pointing). 

H.  H.  U. — But  there  are  a few  houses  left,  how  about 
those? 

Korean— Those  stood  by  themselves. 

H.  H.  U. — About  how  many  were  killed  in  the  church? 

Korean — About  thirty. 

I then  left  this  man  and  walked  over  to  another  group.  Here 
there  were  several  young  women  with  babies  at  the  breast  and 
old  women  and  a young  boy  about  19  or  20. 

These  people  were  Christians  and  knew  Dr.  Noble  of  the 
N.  Methodist  Mission,  in  whose  district  this  church  was.  I 
asked  the  same  or  nearly  the  same  questions,  and  got  the  same 
answers,  as  to  time,  method,  number  of  killed,  the  setting  of  the 
fire,  etc.,  etc.  I asked  the  young  man  how  he  happened  to  be 
alive,  and  he  replied  that  he  had  been  away  gathering  wood  on 
the  hills  and  had  returned  at  night  to  find  all  his  friends  and 
male  relations  dead  and  buried  under  the  flaming  ruins  of  the 
church.  These  people  showed  us  where  the  church  had  stood, 
and  we  went  down  and  found  another  corpse,  which  was  also 
photographed.  The  other  bodies  were  still  under  the  ruins  of 
the  church. 

The  people  were  absolutely  destitute,  here  and  there  a few 
household  goods  had  been  snatched  from  the  flames,  but  none 
of  the  little  groups  seemed  to  have  more  than  a very  small  bowl 
of  rice  or  grain  for  all  the  survivors,  and  they  said  that  most 
of  them  had  lost  their  grain,  seeds  for  the  coming  year,  and 
everything  including  domestic  animals,  on  which  they  are  very 
dependent.  We  bid  good-by  to  this  group  after  taking  their 
picture,  and  walked  through  the  village  to  one  of  the  houses  that 
was  still  standing.  Here  our  owner  was  a very  old  man  who 
said  that  his  house  stood  alone  and  had  not  caught  and  had  not 
been  set  because  he  was  not  a Christian.  His  account  of  the 

71 


event  tallied  in  every  way  with  that  of  the  others.  He  also  did 
not  know  how  many  had  been  killed,  but  also  put  the  number 
at  about  30. 

After  taking  a few  more  photos  we  returned  to  the  rikishas 
and  started  back  to  the  town.  The  rikisha  coolies  offered  to  take 
us  to  another  place,  about  three  miles  further  on,  Suchone, 
where  the  same  thing  had  happened  a few  days  before.  They 
volunteered  that  about  fifteen  places  had  been  burnt,  in  most 
cases  Christian  centers.  This  tallied  with  other  stories,  and 
with  reports  brought  up  to  Seoul  to  the  missionaries  in  charge 
of  the  district.  The  soldiers  had  been  brought  in  by  auto  about 
two  weeks  or  ten  days  before  and  the  first  villages  had  been 
burnt  at  that  time.  The  chief  of  police  had  reported  that  rhe 
trouble  had  been  over  some  time,  and  we  heard  no  accusations 
that  there  had  been  any  violence  on  the  part  of  the  Koreans  in 
this  village  which  we  visited.  The  police  claim  that  violence 
had  been  committed  in  other  places.  We  bade  good-by  to  the 
police  and  returned  to  Seoul  by  auto  as  we  had  come,  reaching 
Seoul  about  5 :30  P.  M. 

It  will  be  understood  that  as  I was  born  in  this  country 
] can  be  absolutely  sure  as  to  the  conversations  with  the  Koreans, 
and,  of  course,  of  the  things  which  I saw.  The  Japanese  con- 
versation, however,  I only  followed  by  words  here  and  there, 
such  as  “fire,  riot,  small,  no,  yes,  bridge,  road,  auto,”  etc. 


Exhibit  XXI 

ADMISSIONS  BY  GOVERNOR  GENERAL  HASEGAWA 

(Japan  Advertiser) 

April  27th,  1919. 

Special  to  the  “Japan  Advertiser”: 

Seoul,  April  25. — The  Governor  General  of  Korea  denounces 
the  harsh  measures  taken  by  some  of  his  subordinates,  and 
some  of  these,  guilty  of  one  of  the  worst  atrocities  reported, 
have  already  been  subjected  to  appropriate  punishment. 

The  Governor  General  yesterday  received  a delegation  of 
prominent  missionaries  who  had  visited  certain  Korean  villages 
which  had  been  burned  by  soldiers  this  month.  After  listening 
carefully  to  their  description  of  their  investigation,  he  replied 

72 


that  their  statements  of  what  had  occurred  were  true,  and  that 
it  was  to  be  deplored. 

Must  Not  Be  Repeated 

The  ones  responsible  had  been  punished,  and  strict  orders 
had  been  sent  throughout  the  peninsula  forbidding  further  acts 
of  this  kind.  His  hearers  might  rest  assured,  he  declared,  and 
might  assure  other  foreigners,  that  there  would  be  no  recurrence 
of  such  happenings. 

The  Governor  General  added  that  at  any  time  that  the 
missionaries  had  anything  important  to  discuss,  they  could  lay 
it  before  him  personally. 

The  Governor  General's  assurance  that  these  harsh,  repres- 
sive measures  by  subordinate  officers  were  not  countenanced 
and  would  not  be  tolerated  by  the  government  is  most  gratifying. 

Aid  for  Sufferers 

A committee  appointed  by  a representative  meeting  of  the 
foreign  community  waited  on  Governor  Matsunaga  to  ascertain 
if  they  could  assist  in  relieving  the  sufferers  from  the  late 
trouble.  The  Governor  outlined  what  the  government  was 
doing,  and  said  that  private  Japanese  had  also  contributed.  He 
was  willing  to  receive  foreign  contributions,  which  he  would 
distribute  and  personally  give  account  for.  After  thanking  the 
Governor,  the  committee  withdrew  to  report  to  the  central  com- 
mittee. 

Atrocity  of  First  Magnitude 

The  facts  reported  to  the  Governor  General  and  referred 
to  in  the  above  special  cable  to  “The  Japan  Advertiser”  from  its 
Seoul  correspondent  deal  with  an  atrocity  of  the  first  magnitude, 
the  particulars  of  which  have  reached  Tokyo. 

The  missionaries  who  investigated  were  in  a party  of  ten, 
who  visited  several  villages  which  had  been  burned  by  the 
Japanese  gendarmes  and  soldiers,  the  villagers  being  driven  out 
of  their  homes  and  not  permitted  to  take  with  them  anything 
whatever  of  value.  All  they  owned  was  destroyed,  and  the 
villagers,  young  infants  and  old  men  and  women,  have  been 
hiding  in  the  hills,  afraid  to  return  to  the  site  of  their  former 
homes,  and  without  shelter,  food  or  covering  for  their  bodies 
at  night.  Among  these  refugees  in  the  hills  are  some  wounded 

* 73 


ones,  whose  wounds  have  perforce  gone  untended,  with  many 
cases  of  blood  poisoning  setting  in. 

Gathered  Victims  Together 

In  the  course  of  their  investigation,  the  searchers  for  facts 
reached  one  village  where  the  little  church  had  been  destroyed 
by  fire.  The  gendarmes  and  soldiers,  marching  into  this  village, 
had  summoned  the  men  of  the  village  to  attend  a meeting  in 
the  church,  where  they  were  told  certain  orders  would  be  read 
to  them.  They  gathered  in  the  building,  some  fifty  or  more. 

As  soon  as  the  men  had  all  been  gathered  together,  the 
soldiery  opened  fire  upon  them  through  the  open  windows,  after 
having  surrounded  the  building.  Volley  after  volley  was  poured 
into  the  gathering,  until  the  floor  was  covered  with  moaning 
heaps  of  dead  and  wounded  men. 

To  complete  their  work,  the  surviving  women  of  the  village 
told  the  missionaries,  the  soldiery  entered  the  building  and 
bayoneted  all  the  men  whom  the  bullets  had  not  killed,  while 
two  women  who  had  approached  the  building  to  learn  the  fate 
of  their  husbands  were  likewise  bayoneted  and  their  bodies 
thrown  among  those  of  the  men.  Then  kerosene  was  poured 
upon  the  dead  and  the  bodies  and  the  church  building  consumed 
by  fire. 

When  the  advance  guard  of  the  investigating  party  reached 
this  place,  there  were  two  bodies  still  left  in  the  smoking  ruins, 
the  others  having  been  raked  out  and  disposed  of  out  of  sight. 

This  is  the  report,  in  part,  the  missionary  party  has  made  to 
the  Governor  General. 

Exhibit  XXII 

THE  MASSACRE  AND  BURNING  OF  VILLAGES 

(Correspondence  in  The  Japan  Advertiser,  April  29th,  1919) 

The  Burning  of  Cheamni 

The  Advertiser  correspondent,  under  date  of  April  20th,  says  : 

“For  some  time  past  I have  been  hearing  persistent  rumors 
of  the  burning  of  entire  villages  and  the  more  or  less  complete 
wiping  out  of  the  inhabitants.  Latterly  these  reports  came  from 
fL  district  lying  15  or  20  miles  west  of  the  large  town  of  Suigen, 

74  . 


on  the  Seoul-Fusan  Railroad.  It  was  difficult  to  obtain  the 
exact  name  of  the  places  said  to  be  burnt,  but  finally  word  was 
received  from  people  coming  from  the  district  that  the  village 
of  Soo  Chon  had  been  wiped  out  by  soldiers. 

“Mr.  Curtice  of  the  American  Consulate  asked  me  if  I was 
willing  to  make  one  of  a party  which  would  attempt  to  go 
through  by  automobile,  and  find,  if  possible,  the  truth  regarding 
the  rumor,  and  the  village  of  Soo  Chon  in  particular.  Mr. 
Underwood,  who  was  born  in  the  country,  and  as  a missionary 
has  made  a very  careful  study  of  the  language  and  speaks  it 
with  great  fluency,  was  engaged  with  his  car  to  drive  us  there 
and  act  as  interpreter  for  the  party.  As  a mechanic  and  assistant 
in  case  of  accidents  we  also  took  a Chinese  chauffeur. 

“We  left  the  Consulate  on  Wednesday,  April  16th.  Our 
route  was  along  the  main  highway  from  Seoul  to  Suwon 
(Suigen),  which  parallels  the  railway.  Passing  through  this 
ancient  walled  city  we  continued  on  the  old  highway,  which  in 
historical  interest  and  appearance  can  be  compared  to  the  Tokaido 
of  Japan,  until  we  came  to  the  town  of  Uoan  (Ooan),  on  the 
railroad  line,  and  here  we  turned  sharply  from  our  southerly 
course  to  one  due  west. 

“The  road,  which  was  marked  on  the  map  as  third  class, 
in  no  way  exceeded  our  expectations,  and  the  fifteen  miles  that 
we  covered  before  abandoning  the  car  for  rikishas  was  full  of 
incidents  connected  with  narrow,  rotten  bridges,  good  driving, 
and  lucky  escapes. 

Smoke  Still  Rising 

“About  noon  we  drew  up  on  the  slope  of  a hill,  at  the  foot 
of  which  lay  a large  town,  which,  according  to  our  reckoning, 
should  be  the  market  town  of  Parang-Chang,  from  which  our 
destination,  Soo  Chon,  lay  distant  three  miles  further.  Mr. 
Underwood  went  to  a group  of  farm  houses  near  where  we 
had  stopped  to  learn  whether  our  supposition  was  correct  and 
whether  the  people  could  give  us  any  confirmation  of  the  burning 
of  Soo  Chon.  The  farmers  said  that  the  town  before  us  was 
Perang-Chang,  where  the  police  office  was,  and  that  Soo  Chon, 
which  was  three  miles  further  on,  had  been  burnt.  Pointing 
to  a cloud  of  thin  smoke  rising  from  behind  a hill  about  a mile 
distant  from  the  market  town,  we  asked  what  it  meant.” 

75 


“That/’  was  the  reply,  “is  a village  called  Cheamni,  which 
the  soldiers  burnt  yesterday  at  a little  after  midday,” 

“A  question  as  to  the  reason  of  its  being  burnt  elicited  the 
statement  that  there  was  a Christian  church  in  the  village,  and 
many  Christians.  To  a question  the  farmer  replied  that  he 
was  not  a Christian  and  told  us  what  was  told  him,  but  that  he 
and  the  people  thereabout  kept  very  close  to  their  houses  lest 
they  should  be  suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  sufferers. 

“After  a brief  lunch  we  drove  down  to  the  market  town, 
where  we  found  the  only  bridge  entering  the  place  would  not 
bear  the  car,  so  we  started  on  foot  past  the  police  station,  which 
was  just  on  the  other  side,  and  in  front  of  which  was  drawn 
up  a squad  of  about  sixteen  soldiers  of  the  78th  Regiment,  under 
command  of  non-coms.  They  allowed  us  to  pass  by  without 
comment,  but  shortly  came  running  after  us  and  took  us  to  the 
police  station. 

“ All  Quiet  at  Present  ” 

“Here  the  police  officer  in  charge  received  Mr.  Curtice's 
card  and  asked  us  to  be  seated.  Mr.  Curtice  talked  to  the  officer 
in  charge,  starting  with  the  formal  conversation  usual  in  such 
cases,  and  leading  up  to  the  question  of  our  desire  to  obtain 
rikishas  and  continue  our  journey  on  to  Soo  Chon.  The  question 
was  asked  him  if  there  was  any  trouble  in  the  district,  and  he 
replied  by  saying  all  was  quiet  at  present,  though  there  had  been 
a demonstration  in  the  market  town  of  Parang-Chang  some 
time  before.  Asked  what  the  smoke  over  the  hill  was,  he  replied 
that  it  was  a small  fire  that  occurred  yesterday. 

“The  probability  of  our  visiting  the  place,  which  lay  on  the 
way  to  Soo  Chon,  was  mentioned,  and  no  objection  was  raised, 
only  surprise  that  we  should  trouble  about  visiting  the  scene 
of  a small  fire,  the  implication  being  of  greater  ones  further  on. 
A Korean  policeman  was  sent  into  the  market  with  us,  and  we 
took  the  rikishas  he  secured,  and  went  out  on  the  road  about  a 
mile  to  where  a small  trail  led  over  to  the  smoking  hamlet. 
Here  we  left  the  rikishas  and  proceeded  on  foot. 

“When  we  got  the  place,  which  had  been  a village  of  about 
forty  houses,  just  under  the  lee  of  a low  hill,  we  found  only  four 
or  five  standing.  All  the  rest  were  smoking  ruins.  We  passed 
along  the  path,  which  ran  along  the  front  of  the  village  length- 

76 


wise,  and  in  about  the  middle  we  came  on  a compound  sur- 
rounded by  burnt  poplars,  which  was  filled  with  glowing  ashes. 
It  was  here  that  we  fpund  a body  frightfully  burned  and  twisted, 
either  of  a young  man  or  a woman.  This  place  we  found  later 
was  the  Christian  church,  and  on  coming  down  from  another 
direction  on  our  return  I found  a second  body,  evidently  that 
of  a man,  also  badly  burned,  lying  just  outside  the  church  com- 
pound. The  odor  of  burned  flesh  in  the  vicinity  of  the  church 
was  sickening. 

“We  proceeded  to  the  end  of  the  village  and  climbed  the 
hill,  where  we  found  several  groups  of  people  huddled  under  little 
straw  shelters,  with  a few  of  their  pitiful  belongings  about  them. 
They  were  mostly  women,  some  old,  others  young  mothers  with 
babes  at  breast,  but  all  sunk  in  the  dull  apathy  of  abject  misery 
and  despair. 

Gather  Christians  for  Massacre 

“Talking  to  them  in  their  own  language  and  with  sympathy, 
Mr.  Underwood  soon  won  the  confidence  of  several  and  got  the 
story  of  what  happened  from  different  groups,  and  in  every  case 
these  stories  tallied  in  the  essential  facts.  The  day  before  we 
arrived,  soldiers  came  to  the  village,  some  time  in  the  early 
afternoon,  and  ordered  all  the  male  Christians  to  gather  in  the 
church.  When  they  had  so  gathered,  to  a number  estimated 
to  be  thirty  by  our  informers,  the  soldiers  opened  fire  on  them 
with  rifles  and  then  proceeded  into  the  church  and  finished  them 
off  with  sword  and  bayonets.  After  this  they  set  fire  to  the 
church,  but  as  the  direction  of  the  wind  and  the  central  position 
of  the  church  prevented  the  upper  houses  catching,  soldiers  fired 
these  houses  individually,  and  after  a time  left. 

“As  we  passed  down  the  ruined  village,  returning  to  our 
rikishas,  we  came  on  the  last  house  of  the  village,  which  was 
standing  intact,  and  entered  in  conversation  with  the  owner,  a 
very  old  man.  He  attributed  the  safety  of  his  house  to  its  being 
slightly  removed,  and  to  a vagary  of  the  wind.  He  was  alive 
because  he  was  not  a Christian  and  had  not  been  called  into  the 
church.  The  details  of  his  story  of  the  occurrence  tallied  exactly 
with  the  others,  as  to  what  had  happened. 

‘We  found  that  our  rikisha  men  had  followed  us,  leaving 
their  vehicles  on  the  main  road.  Their  surliness  and  reserve 

77 


was  gone  and  they  volunteered  the  information  that,  while  they 
were  only  rikisha  men  living  in  the  market  town,  yet  they  would 
confirm  what  the  people  had  told  us.  Further  they  could  take 
us  in  rikishas  to  the  town  of  Soo  Chon,  only  a short  10  li  (3  miles) 
away.  It  undoubtedly  had  been  burned,  as  we  could  see  for 
ourselves  many  more  towns  had  been  burned ; they  said,  in  that 
district,  fifteen  in  all  that  they  knew  of. 

Afraid  to  Bury  Their  Dead 

“We  had  seen,  heard  and  smelled  enough  to  confirm  all  of 
the  reports  that  have  been  trickling  into  Seoul  from  native 
sources  in  this  district,  and  as  we  had  a perilous  road  to  travel 
before  we  reached  safety  for  our  heavy  car  on  the  main  highway, 
we  turned  back  to  the  market  town,  sad  and  sick  at  the  thought 
of  the  miserable  people  camped  on  the  hillside,  afraid  even  to 
go  to  their  dead.  We  were  met  outside  the  police  station  by  the 
officer  we  had  seen  on  entrance,  and,  telling  that  as  the  rikishas 
were  poor,  the  road  bad,  and  the  afternoon  waning,  we  would 
return  to  Seoul  at  once. 

“This  particular  police  office  is  not  connected  by  telephone 
or  telegraph  and  the  road  is  little  used,  so  the  surprise  of  our 
sudden  appearance  from  Seoul  in  a large  car,  coupled  with 
Mr.  Curtice’s  diplomacy,  was  what  gained  us  the  privilege  of 
seeing  the  result  of  the  military  method  of  repression  and  of 
talking  to  the  people  without  interference.  A remarkable  fact 
was,  that  on  the  journey  coming  and  going  to  the  main  highway, 
we  met  only  a couple  of  natives  travelling,  and  very  little  work 
in  the  fields,  except  in  immediate  proximity  to  the  houses,  the 
more  remote  fields  lying  deserted,  which  was  unusual  at  this 
time  of  the  year,  and  at  variance  with  conditions  along  the  main 
highway.” 

Visit  of  British  Consul 

Under  date  of  April  24th,  the  same  correspondent  writes: 

“The  British  Consul  had  an  interview  with  the  Government 
after  the  first  trip  to  Cheamni,  and  mentioned  the  result  of  our 
investigation,  at  the  same  time  expressing  a desire  to  go  down 
himself  with  certain  of  his  nationals  who  were  interested  in 
mission  work. 


78 


“The  party  in  the  motor  car  consisted  of  Mr.  Royds,  the 
British  Consul ; Dr.  Hardy,  of  the  Canadian  Mission ; Dr.  Gale, 
myself,  and  extra  chauffeur.  In  addition  to  the  motor  car  two 
motorcycles  accompanied  us  (with  side  cars),  carrying  Dr.  Noble, 
who  is  superintendent  of  the  work  in  that  district,  Rev.  Cable, 
Rev.  Mr.  Billings,  Rev.  Mr.  Beck,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Herron  Smith, 
who  is  in  charge  of  the  Japanese  work  in  Korea  for  the  Methodist 
Church. 

“We  took  a different  route,  where  the  bridges  were  in 
better  condition,  and  arrived  at  the  market  town  of  Parang- 
Chang  about  noon  and  parked  our  machines  in  front  of  the 
police  station  and  proceeded  at  once  through  the  market  town 
toward  Cheamni.  There  were  a number  of  police  in  front  of 
the  station,  but  they  said  nothing  to  us,  but  fell  in  behind  and 
followed  us  to  the  burnt  village,  evidently  having  been  warned 
of  our  coming. 

Clearing  Away  the  Debris 

“Here  we  found  a large  gang  of  coolies  cleaning  away  the 
ruins,  preparatory  to  having  the  houses  rebuilt.  All  the  burnt 
bodies  had  been  removed  and  great  haste  was  being  made  in 
cleaning  the  place  up,  which  was  in  decided  contrast  to  villages 
we  visited  later,  and  which  had  been  destroyed  early  in  the 
month. 

“We  photographed  freely,  without  interference,  but  when- 
ever we  started  to  talk  to  the  natives  a policeman  would  saunter 
up  and  the  Korean  would  freeze  up.  Nothing  was  said  to  them 
in  our  presence  but  they  were  in  wholesome  fear  of  what  might 
happen  later  if  they  were  seen  talking  to  us.  However,  our  party 
was  a large  one  and  we  divided  up  and  went  in  different  direc- 
tions, and  those  familiar  with  the  language  obtained  many 
interviews,  and  everything  confirmed  the  first  report  sent  you. 
as  to  the  hour  and  method  of  assembling  the  men  in  the  church 
and  exterminating  them  and  then  setting  fire  to  the  village. 

“Careful  questioning  of  some  women  in  a house  removed 
from  this  village  gave  the  number  of  Christian  men  killed  as 
twelve,  whose  names  were  secured,  in  addition  to  which  two 
women  who  went  to  find  out  what  was  happening  to  their 
husbands  were  killed,  one  a woman  over  forty  and  the  other 
nineteen.  These  may  have  been  the  bodies  we  saw  outside  the 

79 


church  on  the  first  day,  this  supposition  being  possible  as  they 
were  outside  the  ruins.  The  remainder  of  the  men  killed  in  the 
church  were  members  of  the  Chyong  Do  Kio  and  were  said 
to  be  twenty-five  in  number. 

Occupied  House  Fired 

“We  next  started  walking  to  the  village  of  Soo  Chon,  three 
miles  away,  which  had  been  the  objective,  of  my  first  visit.  We 
found  that  this*  village  had  been  burnt  either  on  the  night  of 
the  fifth  or  the  morning  of  the  sixth.  The  story  told  to  our  party 
was  that  on  that  night  the  people  were  awakened  by  finding  their 
houses  on  fire.  As  soon  as  they  ran  out  they  were  struck  with 
swords  or  bayoneted  or  shot — none  were  killed  but  several 
wounded,  and  we  found  one  man  whose  arm  had  been  laid  open 
with  a sword,  and  who,  from  lack  of  attention,  would  probably 
die  of  infection.  The  British  Consul  afterward  obtained  a 
promise  from  the  police  in  the  market  town  that  he  should  be 
sent  to  the  hospital  at  Suigen.  In  this  village  a church  and 
about  thirty  houses  had  been  burnt,  but  no  attempt  had  been 
made  to  clean  it  up,  though  it  occurred  early  in  the  month. 
We  then  proceeded  to  a very  small  hamlet  just  over  the  hill, 
where  four  or  five  houses  had  been  burnt. 

“As  we  returned  along  the  road  homeward  I was  somewhat 
in  the  rear  and  a Korean  appeared  suddenly  from  a bypath  and 
asked  me  to  go  to  the  village  of  Kei  Rong  Kohl,  five  li  (1^4 
miles)  away,  where  seventeen  out  of  nineteen  houses  had  been 
burned.  This  I was  unable  to  do  as  it  was  growing  late  and 
our  party  was  well  ahead.  I overtook  a Korean  who  had  been 
following  our  party  as  a spy  for  the  police.  He  denied  knowing 
of  such  a place,  but  finding  I knew  all  about  it  and  could  speak 
the  vernacular,  he  admitted  it  and  confirmed  what  we  had  been 
told  regarding  Cheamni,  particularly  the  hour,  which  is  very 
important,  for  there  had  been  a report  among  the  Japanese  of 
a town  being  burnt  through  the  upsetting  of  a lamp  by  Koreans 
wishing  to  avoid  arrest  during  the  night. 

“We  were  told  of  a certain  place  in  this  district  where 
nine  burned  villages  can  be  seen  from  an  elevation  nearby.  We 
had  seen  enough  to  confirm  the  reports  previously  received  and 
returned  to  Seoul. 

“The  officials  in  the  Government  expressed  to  the  Consular 

80 


officials  the  greatest  indignation  and  surprise  at  these  outrages 
and  promised  immediate  relief  to  sufferers. 

“A  meeting  of  foreigners  was  held  to  see  if  relief  work 
could  be  undertaken,  and  a committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the 
officials.  Appreciation  was  expressed  by  them  and  the  matter 
is  going  through  official  routine.  Many  officials  have  visited 
the  district,  particularly  Cheamni,  and  in  that  point  I believe 
active  steps  for  relief  are  being  taken.  I think  the  exposure  of 
what  happened  at  Cheamni  will  put  a stop  to  this  sort  of  repres- 
sion.” 


Exhibit  XXIII 

AN  INCIDENT  IN  NORTH  KOREA 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  April  20th,  1919,  the  following 
occurred,  at  the  village  of  Nong  Tuk,  Sinkai  County,  Shanghai 
Province.  The  Myen  Chang  (town  magistrate)  a Japanese,  with 
two  Korean  police  officers,  came  to  the  village  from  the  Myen, 
about  five  li  distant.  They  went  to  the  house  of  Song  Chang 
Sik,  a local  preacher  in  charge  of  this  circuit,  but  he  and  his 
wife  had  gone  to  another  church  on  the  circuit  for  the  Easter 
services.  The  officers  beat  his  old  mother,  frightened  the  seven 
children,  broke  the  water  jars,  dishes  and  furniture,  and 
destroyed  his  books.  The  local  leader  of  this  church  is  a fine 
young  man  from  a well-to-do  family,  who  has  been  to  the  Bible 
School  in  Seoul.  He  had  been  arrested  at  another  place  the 
first  of  March.  The  officers  went  now  to  his  house  and  beat 
his  old  grandfather,  cutting  a gash  in  his  head.  They  also  beat 
the  teacher  of  the  day  school,  and  smashed  up  things  in  other 
Christian  homes.  They  broke  every  window  in  the  church,  with 
the  lamps  and  stoves,  and  took  the  pulpit,  the  Bibles  and  the 
hymn  books  into  the  church  yard,  where  they  burned  them. 
They  said  such  low-down  people  as  the  Christians  had  no  right 
to  live,  and  would  all  be  run  out  of 'that  region. 

There  has  been  no  demonstration  in  this  village.  None  of 
the  Christians  here  took  part  in  any  demonstrations  for  inde- 
pendence in  other  places.  Some  days  before,  at  the  Myen 
(Township  Headquarters),  where  there  are  no  Christians,  there 
had  been  a demonstration  by  the  non-Christians,  of  whom  six 
had  been  shot  to  death  on  the  spot  and  many  others  wounded. 

81 


Exhibit  XXIV 

STORY  OF  GOVERNMENT  SCHOOLGIRL  WHO 
WAS  SABRED 

On  March  1st,  1919,  at  2 o’clock,  we  started  at  Pagoda 
Park,  going  up  to  the  Taihan  Gate,  where  we  shouted  “Mansei” 
with  all  our  might.  From  there  we  came  to  Kangwha  Gate 
and  shouted  again,  going  out  the  West  Gate  to  the  French 
Consulate  and  the  American  Consulate  where  we  once  more 
shouted  “Mansei.” 

Coming  in  through  the  Little  West  Gate  we  again  went  to 
the  Taihan  Gate,  from  thence  we  went  to  Pan  Chung  Tong 
(where  there  is  a police  station).  There  came  out  mounted 
gendarmes  trying  to  stop  our  course,  but  we  pressed  forward 
to  the  Government  General  Offices,  and  there  the  Kotang  Koan 
(high  official)  came  out  with  his  sword,  beating  all  in  his  way, 
and  he  struck  me  with  his  sword  on  the  back,  making  a wound 
three  inches  long.  The  force  of  the  blow  threw  me  down,  after 
which  he  stamped  on  my  head  with  his  foot,  leaving  me  senseless 
for  about  twenty  minutes. 

When  I came  to,  I arose,  to  find  my  tooth  broken,  nose 
and  lips  bruised  and  cut,  and  blood  everywhere.  My  shoulder 
had  a three-inch  cut,  and  my  leg,  which  had  been  struck  several 
times,  was  black  and  blue. 

Exhibit  XXV 

KWAK  SAN  AND  TYUNGJU 

The  Kwak  San  Church  was  burned  yesterday  morning 
(April  25th,  1919),  and  the  Christians  prevented  from  going  in 
to  put  it  out.  The  atrocious  tortures  of  the  prisoners  in  Tyungju 
are  worthy  of  African  savages  and  barbarians. 

Exhibit  XXVI 

PART  OF  AN  EXTENDED  REPORT— APRIL  24,  1919 
A.  Methods  of  Suppression. 

The  following  paragraph  can  only  be  a summary  of  the 
methods  which  have  been  used  in  the  suppression  of  nationalistic 
demonstrations.  Every  statement  is  supported  by  signed  affi- 

82 


davits  deposited  with  representatives  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment. This  must  of  necessity  be  a generalization,  since  con- 
ditions varied  somewhat  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and 
the  course  of  events  was  not  always  the  same. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  demonstrations  began 
without  violence  of  any  kind  on  the  part  of  the  Koreans.  The 
movement,  as  announced,  was  to  be  one  of  peaceful  and  orderly 
expression  of  national  opinion,  and  in  the  initial  public  meetings 
violence  was  specifically  forbidden,  and  later  special  notices 
were  circulated  cautioning  against  the  use  of  violence.  The 
demonstrations,  involving  as  they  did,  thousands  of  people, 
were  remarkable  exhibitions  of  self-control.  It  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  later  on,  when  the  crowds  were  enraged  by 
violence  of  the  police  and  soldiers,  there  should  be  retaliation  of 
some  sort  in  a few  cases. 

At  the  first  outbreak  the  police  seemed  nonplussed  at  the 
apparently  senseless  audacity  of  the  cheering  demonstrators.  It 
is  said  that  on  the  first  day  in  some  places  the  police  even  joked 
with  the  crowd.  But  when  the  people  refused  to  be  permanently 
dispersed  the  mood  of  the  officials  changed  to  irritation  and  anger 
and  they  entered  upon  a campaign  of  enraged  brutality,  police, 
gendarmes,  soldiers  and  firemen  (armed  with  pole  hooks)  kick- 
ing, striking,  and  beating  men,  women  and  childen  indiscrimi- 
nately; using  gun  butts,  swords  (in  the  scabbard  at  first  but  later 
bare  and  bloody),  clubs  and  freight  hooks  (inflicting  ghastly 
wounds).  As  the  demonstrations  continued  swords  and  bayonets 
were  freely  used,  and  after  the  first  day,  as  the  wave  of  demon- 
stration spread  out  through  the  country  districts,  soldiers  and 
gendarmes  fired  on  crowds  without  warning,  shooting  indis- 
criminately in  the  direction  of  the  cheering  whenever  the  cry 
of  “Mansai”  was  raised,  killing  and  wounding  at  random.  It 
was  inevitable  that  there  should  be  retaliation.  Gendarmerie 
windows  have  been  broken  and  gendarmes  have  been  killed. 
A notable  instance  was  at  Morak,  where  the  gendarmes  fired 
into  a crowded  market,  killing  several.  The  crowd  pursued  the 
gendarmes  and  killed  four. 

In  this  connection  Col.  Mayeda,  who  is  second  in  command 
of  the  gendarmes  in  Chosen,  claims  that  up  to  March  30th  the 
police  reports  indicated  thirty-eight  places  in  which  police  and 
gendarmes  had  used  arms,  and  that  in  all  these  cases  the 

83 


Koreans  began  violence,  that  the  police  and  gendarmes  were 
few  in  number,  usually  only  three  or  four  against  hundreds 
and  even  thousands  of  Koreans,  and  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  protect  themselves  and  government  property  from 
destruction.  It  was  his  representation  that  no  more  violence  was 
used  than  was  necessary.  The  sufficient  answer  to  this  is  that 
in  all  cases  which  have  come  under  foreign  observation  the 
Korean  demonstrators  refrained  from  violence  until  angered  by 
the  wanton  cruelty  of  the  police,  and  that  so  far  from  violent 
measures  becoming  increasingly  necessary  recent  acts  of  whole- 
sale slaughter  and  burning  of  villages  have  taken  place  even 
after  Korean  demonstrations  had  ceased  and  the  crowd  dis- 
persed. The  police  may  regard  this  as  punitive — it  cannot  be 
justified  under  the  plea  of  necessity  or  self-defense.  Moreover, 
in  every  instance  where  police  and  foreigners  both  report  on  the 
same  cases  the  police  reports  are  invariably  falsified  and  un- 
reliable. We  can  therefore  place  no  reliance  upon  their  state- 
ments in  regard  to  the  course  of  events  elsewhere. 

Evidence  that  the  police  excuse  of  Korean  attack  upon  the 
police  station  is  invalid,  is  found  in  the  fact  that  in  at  least  one 
instance  the  dead  Koreans  lay  in  all  parts  of  the  city  where  they 
fell,  none  near  the  gendarmerie,  but  on  the  spot  where  they  had 
been  cheering  in  unresisting  groups  when  fired  upon  by  the 
gendarmes.  There  are  photographs  to  substantiate  this  in  the 
case  of  Andong,  where  the  dead  were  reported  to  be  thirty,  and 
where  a missionary  himself  counted  seven  left  lying  by  the 
roadside  in  widely  separated  parts  of  the  city,  fourteen  hours 
after  the  shooting. 

Official  records  from  March  1 to  April  11  show  that  nine 
police  and  gendarmes  have  been  killed  and  109  wounded,  while 
among  the  Koreans  361  have  been  killed  and  860  wounded. 
The  report  of  police  casualties  is  doubtless  accurate;  that  of 
the  Korean  casualties  falls  far  short  of  the  true  figures  and  only 
takes  cognizance  of  those  officially  known  to  be  dead  and 
wounded,  and  does  not  include  those  killed  and  wounded  by 
indiscriminate  shooting  in  the  dark,  down  village  streets.  In- 
dividual cases  reported  in  the  Government  press  have  totalled 
more  than  600  killed,  and  these  do  not  include  more  recent 
shootings. 

The  process  of  arrest  at  any  time  of  excitements  and  disturb- 

84 


ances  is  apt  to  be  accompanied  with  more  or  less  violence.  It 
has  been  the  gratuitous  and  unjustifiable  brutality  of  officials 
which  has  most  impressed  itself  upon  observers  here.  It  is  not 
merely  the  roughing  and  beating  of  those  who  are  being  arrested, 
but  the  actions  of  those  who,  without  making  any  attempt  at 
arrest,  desperately  beat  any  whom  they  meet  in  the  road  without 
explanation  or  inquiry  in  a general  campaign  of  terrorism.  Com- 
plaint or  remonstrance  on  the  part  of  Koreans  means  more 
severe  treatment  and  even  shooting.  Japanese  civilians  have 
taken  part  in  this  work  as  well,  with  the  encouragement  of  the 
police. 

A peculiarly  revolting  feature  of  police  methods  is  their 
treatment  of  women.  Their  laying  violent  hands  on  women  is 
the  thing  that  most  often  arouses  the  anger  of  the  Koreans, 
whose  worst  term  of  execration  “barbarians/’  is  called  forth  by 
these  actions.  Women  have  been  stripped  and  beaten  both 
before  and  during  police  examination  in  police  stations,  in  their 
own  homes,  and  in  the  open,  usually  wantonly  subjected  to 
insult  and  indignity,  simply  to  indulge  the  brutal  propensities 
of  the  police  or  soldiers.  The  treatment  to  which  educated 
young  women  have  been  subjected  appears  in  appended  docu- 
ments. 

Since  the  coming  in  of  fresh  troops  and  the  inauguration 
of  more  severe  methods  of  repression,  as  announced  by  the 
Government,  increasing  numbers  of  reports  come  in  regarding 
the  violation  of  women  by  soldiers.  The  absence  of  this  form 
of  violence  in  the  past,  the  sudden  appearance  of  such  reports, 
coincident  to  the  new  orders  issued,  give  verisimilitude  to  the 
reports,  aside  from  the  fact  that  they  come  from  trustworthy 
sources.  Complaint  made  to  the  police  in  regard  to  this  has  been 
met  with  beating  and  with  the  statement  that  such  charges  must 
not  be  brought  against  servants  of  the  Government. 

Treatment  of  the  wounded  has  been  most  cruel.  In  many 
cases  they  have  not  been  allowed  to  go  to  hospitals.  Those 
brought  to  mission  hospitals  have  often  been  smuggled  in 
secretly  by  their  friends.  Our  physicians  can  testify  to  the 
fact  that  wounded  men  have  been  taken  out  of  hospitals  and 
beaten,  and  that  others  have  been  taken  out  of  hospitals  to 
prison  before  being  discharged  by  the  doctors  as  cured. 

At  the  Mission  Hospital  in  Pyeng  Yang  the  doctors  were 

85 


told  that  they  must  not  report  patients  as  having  died  of  gunshot 
wounds,  but  that  they  must  say  they  died  a natural  death. 

The  jails,  of  course,  overflowed  from  the  first  day.  Prisoners 
in  most  cases  received  brutal  treatment,  though  there  were 
notable  exceptions.  Wholesale  arrests  have  followed  from  the 
first  outbreak.  Examinations  have  been  made  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  and  considerable  numbers  have  been  discharged  after 
detention  ranging  from  one  day  to  six  weeks.  In  some  cases 
girls  and  women  have  received  considerate  treatment  in  prison, 
in  others  quite  the  reverse ; the  girls  arrested  in  Seoul  complain 
uniformly  of  the  brutality  of  the  women  jailers  and  police  offi- 
cials. The  whole  number  reported  under  arrest  varies  from 
10,000  to  40,000. 

Trials  according  to  Japanese  law  have  been  proceeding 
throughout  the  past  weeks,  the  Koreans  for  the  most  part  mak- 
ing no  defense,  but  asserting  their  innocence  of  any  other  act 
than  an  expression  of  their  desire  for  independence,  which  they 
do  not  disavow.  Sentences  have  been  imposed,  ranging  from 
six  months  to  three  years  at  hard  labor,  while  in  numerous  cases 
flogging  (which  cannot  be  administered  legally  to  Japanese) 
has  been  administered  with  from  fifteen  to  ninety  blows. 

As  was  indicated  above,  firemen,  armed  with  clubs  and  pole- 
hooks,  were  in  many  places  given  free  hand  to  do  what  they 
wished  to  beat,  scatter  and  terrorize  the  crowds ; in  other  places 
civilians  apparently  (possibly  the  reservists)  were  armed  with 
clubs  and  hooks  and  turned  loose  upon  the  Koreans.  It  must  be 
constantly  borne  in  mind  that  these  Korean  crowds  were  un- 
armed, the  people  having  been  disarmed  nine  years  ago. 

The  police  paraded  bodies  of  armed  thugs  (Japanese  in 
Korean  clothing),  through  the  streets  to  indicate  what  might  be 
expected.  Rumor  freely  circulated  that  missionaries  were  to  be 
beaten  by  them.  Government  officials  told  a newspaper  corre- 
spondent and  an  American  official  that  if  they  carried  lighted 
cigarettes  at  night  they  would  be  safe  from  molestation,  since 
they  would  not  be  mistaken  for  missionaries,  while  a missionary 
was  warned  by  friendly  officials  to  keep  off  the  streets  at  night. 
These  thugs  have  since  been  withdrawn,  owing,  it  is  said,  to  a 
protest  by  the  American  Consul  General. 

The  Korean  demonstrations  continued  for  over  a month  and 
have  now  almost  entirely  ceased.  The  soldiers  in  the  country 

86 


districts,  however,  are  increasingly  violent,  using  fire  and  sword 
and  terrifying  the  populace. 

B.  Government  Attitude  Toward  the  Christian  Church  in 
Suppressing  the  Revolt 

In  speaking  of  the  “Government  Attitude”  we  are  using 
an  inferential  phrase.  Officially  the  Government  attitude  to- 
ward the  Church  is  that  of  religious  toleration,  and  Christians 
are  presumably  to  receive  the  same  treatment  as  other  citizens 
involved  in  the  same  disturbance.  As  a matter  of  fact,  however, 
the  Government’s  real  attitude  must  normally  be  inferred  from 
the  action  of  the  Government’s  officers  and  agents,  the  police, 
gendarmes,  and  soldiers. 

Ever  since  Japan  first  came  into  control  in  the  peninsula  the 
existence  of  the  Protestant  Christian  Church  has  offered  a prob- 
lem to  the  Government.  The  reasons  are  not  far  to  seek — it  is 
primarily  the  problem  which  the  church  from  its  very  beginning 
offered  to  autocratic  governments.  It  existed  in  the  days  of 
Rome.  It  stands  out  in  paticular  prominence  here  in  Chosen 
because  here  we  have  an  instance  where  the  church  is  the 
strongest  organization  among  the  people  whom  the  invading 
nation  is  seeking  to  control  and  denationalize  and  assimilate. 

Dr.  A.  J.  Brown,  in  his  pamphlet  on  the  “Conspiracy  Case” 
of  1912  (p.  7),  makes  the  following  statement:  “The  Japanese 
desire  to  control  everything  within  their  dominions,  as  foreign 
business  men  have  learned  to  their  cost.  This  is  particularly 
true  in  Korea,  where  they  deem  it  necessary  to  their  plans  to  be 
absolute  masters.  Now  the  Japanese  see  in  the  Korean  Church 
numerous  and  powerful  organizations  which  they  do  not  con- 
trol.” 

There  is  a natural  solidarity  of  Christians  (especially  under 
our  form  of  church  polity)  which  they  themselves  have  come 
to  appreciate,  and  which  has  been  an  obvious  source  of  anxiety 
to  the  Government.  The  whole  attitude  of  the  Government 
toward  the  Church  in  this  present  crisis  is  largely  conditioned 
by  a recognition  of  this  solidarity  and  unity.  A military  govern- 
ment without  experimental  knowledge  of  Christianity,  not  ap- 
preciating fully  its  primary  spiritual  aim  nor  able  to  estimate 
properly  the  strength  of  the  spiritual  forces  and  factors  involved, 
but  fearing  them,  would  naturally  view  with  concern  the  fact 

87 


that  the  largest  and  most  thoroughly  organized  member  of  the 
body  politic  embraced  at  the  same  time  the  most  enlightened 
and  progressive  portions  of  the  populations. 

Admiral  Mahan,  in  a letter  to  Dr.  Brown,  quoted  in  the 
pamphlet  referred  to  above,  says  (“Conspiracy  Case,”  p.  21)  : 
“The  suspicion  excited  by  Christian  gatherings  is  not  only 
natural  but  has  been  characteristic  of  non-Christian  governments 
from  the  time  of  Rome.  Sometimes  it  is  well  grounded,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  English  Roman  Catholics  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth 
and  James  the  First.  Men  bound  together  by  close  sympathies 
of  vital  religion  are  in  a state  very  favorable  to  combination  for 

other  objects,  as,  for  instance,  patriotic ” 

The  Government  apprehension  of  the  power  of  church  or- 
ganization is  clearly  witnessed  by  the  encouragement  given  to 
the  propagation  of  Christianity  by  the  Congregational  Church, 
which  has  a form  of  polity  devoid  of  unity  and  integration,  and 
therefore  easier  to  control.  It  is  under  purely  Japanese  control. 

Presbyterian  organization,  with  its  self-government  and 
unity,  and  Methodist  organization,  with  its  unity  and  its  added 
relation  to  a foreign  ecclesiastical  body  of  great  power  are  both 
obnoxious  to  the  Government. 

Another  reason  for  the  Government’s  suspicion  of  the 
church  in  Chosen  is  the  fact  that  foreign  influence  exercises 
great  power  there.  (It  must  be  admitted  that  while  technically 
autonomous  the  native  church  was  dominated  for  a long  period 
by  foreign  influence.  But  the  church  has  rapidly  come  into  its 
own,  in  its  assemblies  being  able  and  ready  on  occasion  to  out- 
vote the  foreigners,  and  this  very  year  marked  a movement, 
initiated  by  missionaries,  for  their  actual  withdrawal  from  any 
other  than  advisory  participation  in  church  assemblies).  The 
existence  of  this  foreign  influence  has,  beyond  question,  been  an 
added  irritation  to  the  authorities,  who  felt  that  it  was  an  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  the  Japanization  they  wished  to  effect.  A former 
Governor  General  is  reported  to  have  said,  “We  can’t  have  the 
missionaries  here  trying  to  make  little  Americans  out  of  the 
Koreans.”  The  remark  was  not  justified,  but  it  indicated  suffi- 
ciently the  official  thought. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  present  disturbance,  therefore, 
a disturbance  in  which  Christians  have  taken  a prominent  part, 
has  been  to  confirm  and  strengthen  the  suspicion  which  already 


existed  against  Christianity.  The  fact  that  it  has  been  in  no 
sense  a purely  Christian  uprising,  and  the  further  fact  that  it 
was  not  purely  Christian  in  origin,  will  not  offset  the  considera- 
tion that  Christianity  has  apparently  proved  itself  to  be  hostile 
to  the  Government.  This  interpretation  of  Christianity  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  must  be  borne  in  mind  as  an  explanation 
of  the  present  treatment  of  the  church.  Naturally  the  Govern- 
ment has  issued  no  statement  to  this  effect,  but  actions  of  officials 
speak  louder  than  Government  proclamations.  The  Vice- 
Governor  of  Choong  Chung  Province,  a Japanese  and  therefore 
the  real  executive  of  the  Province,  called  in  prominent  Koreans, 
including  some  Christians,  and  in  a public  meeting  advised 
people  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  Christianity,  whch  was  a 
Western  religion,  and  not  adapted  to  Orientals.  Police  officials 
are  urging  the  same  thing  everywhere.  The  Procurator,  in  mak- 
ing his  case  against  Mr.  Mowry  at  the  public  trial,  said : “It  is 

impossible  not  to  suspect  Christianity  in  the  matter.” 

From  the  very  first  day  of  the  demonstrations  the  officials 
have  paid  more  attention  to  Christian  participation  than  to  that 
of  any  other  class.  Arrests  of  those  actually  taking  part  in 
demonstrations  and  made  upon  the  spot  were  naturally  made 
without  discrimination,  but  in  the  campaign  of  general  arrests 
which  followed  throughout  the  country,  Christians  have  been 
singled  out  for  marked  discrimination,  even  before  demonstra- 
tions have  taken  place,  in  many  instances. 

Throughout  the  country  the  police  immediately  began  to 
arrest  pastors,  elders,  and  other  church  officers.  Some  of  these 
have  been  released  after  weeks  of  imprisonment  and  examina- 
tion. Sentences  against  others  are  being  daily  announced,  even 
in  the  case  of  men  who  took  no  part  in  the  demonstrations, 
ranging  from  six  months  to  three  years  of  penal  servitude.  Of 
course  no  apology  is  intended  for  those  who  took  part  in  the 
uprising  deliberately  and  expecting  the  cosequences.  We  are 
emphasizing  the  fact  of  the  wholesale  arrest  and  beating  of 
Christians  simply  because  they  are  Christians.  In  some  places 
the  men  and  women  of  the  village  were  called  together,  all 
those  who  admitted  they  were  Christians  were  maltreated  or 
arrested  and  the  others  sent  away.  Wayfarers  met  by  soldiers 
and  gendarmes  are  asked  whether  they  are  Christians,  and  beaten 
and  abused  on  the  admission  of  the  fact.  Korean  Christians 

39 


remaining  in  the  villages  are  given  all  sorts  of  announcements 
by  local  police  and  gendarmes.  They  are  told  that  Christianity 
is  to  be  exterminated,  that  all  Christians  are  to  be  shot,  that 
meetings  are  to  be  forbidden.  It  has  been  stated  that  Chunt 
Kyo  is  to  be  completely  abolished  because  it  is  a native  religion, 
but  that  Christianity,  because  of  its  foreign  affiliations,  while 
not  being  abolished,  will  be  reduced  by  legislative  restrictions 
to  half  its  present  size.  There  is  of  course  no  uniformity  in  these 
announcements,  but  they  are  all  evidently  part  of  a campaign 
of  intimidation.  That  they  are  not  groundless  statements  is  evi- 
denced by  the  fact  that  nineteen  churches  have  been  partly  or 
wholly  wrecked  by  soldiers ; bells,  furniture,  Bibles,  and  hymn- 
books  being  smashed  or  burned.  Seven  other  churches  have 
been  burned  to  the  ground.  We  have  no  record  of  churches 
of  other  Missions  involved  except  as  noted  below. 

The  effect  of  this  treatment  varies  in  different  localities.  In 
some  places  worship  is  entirely  suspended,  church  officers  not 
under  arrest  are  in  hiding,  and  the  congregations  are  scattered. 
In  some  places  church  meetings  have  been  forbidden ; in  others 
the  services  are  continued,  but  with  reduced  attendance  and  with 
police  detectives  and  spies  present;  in  still  others  the  disturb- 
ances have  had  no  effect  on  the  congregtional  gatherings,  and 
many  new  enquirers  are  present  attracted  doubtless  by  the  repu- 
tation for  patriotism  which  Christians  have  acquired.  It  may 
be  said  that  the  local  officials  are  always  ready  with  some  absurd 
explanation  of  the  destruction  of  church  property  such  as  that 
the  Christians  burn  their  own  churches  to  show  their  abandon- 
ment of  Christianity  or  that  non-Christians  burn  them  in  hos- 
tility to  Christians. 

Since  the  bringing  in  of  additional  troops  from  Japan  things 
have  grown  incredibly  worse.  These  troops  were  brought  in 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  ‘‘using  severe  measures, ” and  in- 
terpreted in  the  light  of  facts  this  means  a campaign  of  fire  and 
sword  and  devastation,  the  burning  of  whole  villages  accom- 
panied in  some  instances  with  the  massacre  of  inhabitants  in 
the  most  approved  style  of  Hun  and  Turk.  At  present  writing 
attention  is  centered  in  a group  of  villages  less  than  fifty  miles 
from  the  capital.  Two  weeks  after  the  first  reports  of  village 
burning  reached  Seoul,  investigation  was  made  by  foreigners. 
A party  went  to  find  the  burned  villages,  and  came  on  one 

90 


still  smoking-.  It  had  been  burned  the  day  before.  At  this 
village,  called  Chey  Am  Ni,  the  soldiers  called  the  village  men 
together  in  the  Methodist  Church,  about  thirty  men  in  a village 
of  forty  houses.  Both  Christians  and  non-Christians  were  pres- 
ent. The  soldiers  then  fired  on  those  present  to  kill  all  pos- 
sible and  then  burned  the  church  building  over  the  heads  of 
dead  and  wounded.  Six  men  broke  through  the  wall  of  the 
burning  building  and  tried  to  escape,  but  were  bayoneted  out- 
side. Two  women  who  had  joined  their  husbands  were  shot 
with  the  others.  The  village  was  then  burned  to  the  ground. 
The  facts  are  personally  attested  by  representatives  from  the 
British  and  American  Consulates,  members  of  the  Red  Cross 
Society  and  of  the  Patriotic  League  of  Britons  Overseas.  Photo- 
graphs were  taken  of  ruins  and  burned  and  bayoneted  bodies. 
These  outrages  had  been  going  on  for  a period  of  two  weeks 
and  continued  in  that  district  till  the  very  day  of  the  unexpected 
investigation  by  foreigners.  Four  other  devastated  villages  in 
the  district  have  been  visited,  and  reports  from  eleven  others 
have  been  received.  The  same  thing  is  being  reported 
from  other  parts  of  Korea,  and  though  the  reports  might 
have  been  received  with  incredulity  under  other  circumstances, 
nothing  is  now  too  horrible  to  be  believed.  In  all  instances  the 
hostility  of  the  soldiers  and  gendarmes  and  police  is  directed 
against  Christians.  Christians  in  districts  adjoining  the  devas- 
tated region  have  been  told  that  the  same  thing  would  happen 
to  them,  and  over  large  areas  the  people  are  sleeping  out  in 
the  hills  without  shelter  at  night  because  they  dare  not  stay  in 
their  villages,  which  may  be  burned  over  their  heads  at  mid- 
night and  the  inhabitants  massacred. 

In  one  village  the  Christians  were  ordered  to  tear  down  the 
church  building  and  told  that  unless  they  signed  an  agreement 
not  to  be  Christians,  they  would  be  arrested  as  insurgents.  Pro- 
fession of  Christianity  is  regarded  as  equivalent  to  confession 
of  revolutionary  purpose. 

In  a recent  issue  of  an  American  church  magazine  is  a 
statement  to  the  effect  that  “the  Japanese  have  a feeling  of 
respect  for  Americans  akin  to  worship !”  The  author  of  that 
article  should  spend  a few  moments  in  the  presence  of  the 
servants  of  the  Government  of  Chosen  and  learn  their  opinion 
of  everything  American  and  Christian. 

91 


In  parts  of  the  country  where  the  reign  of  terror  is  being 
maintained  people  dare  not  walk  from  one  village  to  another 
for  fear  of  being  shot,  and  the  men  dare  not  work  in  the  fields. 
Frightfulness  of  another  kind  is  employed.  Inhabitants  of  vil- 
lages are  lined  up  to  be  shot  and  then  sent  away  till  another 
day,  when  the  process  is  repeated.  Even  though  not  actually 
shot,  on  these  occasions  the  people  have  the  instances  of  mas- 
sacre and  devastation  before  their  eyes  and  never  know  when 
the  threat  will  be  carried  into  effect.  And  always  the  animus  is 
directed  against  the  Christians. 

As  a result  of  the  publicity  given  to  these  nearest  outrages 
the  Government  is  taking  relief  measures  for  the  people  of  these 
four  villages  and  promises  help  and  farm  implements  and  seed. 
They  are  not  able  to  restore  the  dead  farmers  to  life,  however, 
and  nothing  would  have  been  done  if  the  foreigners  had  not 
raised  a storm  of  indignation.  Nothing  had  been  done  in  the 
case  of  villages  similarly  devastated  two  weeks  before.  The 
Japanese  excuse  is  that  the  people  were  called  together  for 
instructions,  and  in  their  efforts  to  escape  kicked  over  a lamp 
and  started  the  conflagration ! Which  leaves  the  massacres 
unexplained,  but  is  a sample  of  the  average  police  explanation 
accepted  by  the  Japanese. 

We  cannot  go  into  further  details  in  this  report.  The  ac- 
companying documents  may  be  examined.  But  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  a persistent  campaign  is  being  carried  on  against 
Christianity  under  the  plea  of  suppressing  revolt. 

Villifying,  beating  old  men  and  little  children,  breaking  up 
meetings  by  armed  officers  and  men,  wholesale  arrests,  brutal 
treatment  of  those  under  arrest,  threats  and  intimidation  and 
massacre  are  all  being  employed  to  break  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tians and  to  prevent  the  spread  of  Christianity.  These  state- 
ments are  supported  by  photographs,  signed  statements  and 
narratives  on  file. 


THE  OUTLOOK 

April  24,  1919. 

The  uncertainty  as  to  the  outcome  of  the  present  dis- 
turbances is  increased  by  the  fact  that  the  Government  of  Chosen 
finds  critics  of  the  administration  in  the  ranks  of  its  own  civil 


92 


officials  and  in  the  Liberal  parties  in  the  Imperial  Government. 
Investigators  are  not  slow  to  criticize  what  they  characterize 
as  the  stupid  policy  of  the  military  regime,  while  the  leading 
journals  of  Japan  are  to  the  extent  of  their  meager  information 
joining  in  a protest.  The  “Peninsular  Magazine,”  a monthly 
published  in  Seoul  by  a Japanese  but  for  the  Koreans  and  in  the 
Korean  language,  had  its  April  number  confiscated,  further  pub- 
lication prohibited,  and  the  editor  arrested  because  it  published 
a long  editorial  criticizing  the  Government-General’s  handling 
of  the  situation. 

Except  for  rumors  to  the  effect  that  the  student  class  in 
Japan  are  beginning  to  favor  Korean  liberty,  there  is  of  course 
no  one  among  the  Japanese  who  favors  independence  for  the 
Koreans,  though  the  more  advanced,  like  Viscount  Kato,  have  come 
out  in  favor  of  autonomy ; but  many  of  them  feel  that  the  military 
administration  ought  to  give  place  to  the  civil  in  the  future,  and 
that  the  military  administration  has  made  a failure  in  their 
colonial  policy.  As  intimated  above,  right-minded  Japanese  in 
Japan  proper  do  not  approve  of  the  government’s  extreme 
methods  in  Chosen,  and  are  asking  for  a change. 

It  is  possible  that  government  reform  may  take  place.  A 
recent  statement  of  Mr.  Yamagata,  the  Administrator-General, 
is  to  the  effect  that  “the  agitation  is  deplorable,  coming  as  it 
does  just  on  the  eve  of  government  reforms”  (the  bold  face  is 
ours).  But  all  officials  seem  to  agree  that  the  present  uprising 
must  be  crushed  before  any  reforms  can  be  instituted,  while 
the  interpellations  in  the  Diet  in  regard  to  the  Korean  situation 
seem  to  be  a criticism  of  the  administration  for  failing  to  keep 
order  in  the  peninsula  rather  than  a suggestion  that  the  under- 
lying causes  of  the  disturbance  be  discovered  and  removed. 

We  must  recognize  that  democratic  tendencies  are  manifest 
in  the  Japanese  Empire  as  well  as  in  the  rest  of  the  world,  and 
momentous  events  may  occur  at  any  time,  even  before  this 
report  reaches  the  Board.  Only  the  day  before  yesterday  two 
automobile  loads  of  Japanese  rushed  through  the  streets  of  Seoul, 
shouting  “Democracy  Banzai.”  Some  sixty  arrests  have  been 
made  in  connection  with  the  demonstration.  Many  and  con- 
flicting forces  are  at  work  to-day  in  Japan  as  well  as  Korea. 
But  we  must  not  forget  the  most  obvious  fact  that  unless  there 
is  some  marked  change  in  government  policy  or  in  the  character 

93 


of  the  administration,  or  both,  mission  work  in  Chosen  faces 
a period  of  great  limitation  and  difficulty.  There  are  grave  prob- 
lems ahead. 

The  Administrator  General  has  just  recently  returned  from 
a trip  to  Tokyo.  It  had  been  hoped  that  his  return  would  mark 
the  announcement  of  conciliatory  measures ; but  on  the  contrary, 
the  official  announcement  is  to  the  effect  that  the  “lenient” 
measures  employed  in  the  past  will  be  exchanged  for  utmost 
rigor,  and  a new  law  has  been  promulgated  by  the  Governor 
General  making  “any  disturbance  of  the  peace  with  a view  to 
effecting  a change  of  government”  an  offense  punishable  with 
ten  years  of  penal  servitude,  and  significantly  and  specifically 
including  foreigners  in  the  ruling. 

The  effect  of  the  administration’s  Rehoboam  policy  at  this 
time  can  only  be  conjectured,  but  there  are  those  who  feci  jus- 
tified in  quoting  a trite  proverb,  to  the  effect  that  “whom  the 
gods  would  destroy  they  first  make  mad.” 


Exhibit  XXVII 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

My  dear  Mr. : 

“I  hardly  know  what  to  write.  Things  terribly  upset  these 
days.  The  country  is  still  in  the  throes  of  revolution.  The  mis- 
sionaries and  Christians  are  suffering  much.  The  Japanese  as  a 
nation  do  not  like  Christianity — it  is  too  democratic.  One  of 
our  missionaries  is  in  jail.  Things  are  in  bad  shape.  I myself 

am  on  the  'black  list’  because  of  an  article  to  the  Press. 

The  editor  nearly  had  his  paper  suppressed  over  it,  and  the 
government  said  they  might  need  him  later  on.  You  see  all 
papers  in  Japan  and  Korea  are  under  government  control. 

“The  poor  Koreans  are  suffering  terribly.  I suppose  fully 
6,000  have  been  killed  and  thousands  beaten — sixty  to  ninety 
cuts  with  a brutal  rod.  All  they  have  done  is  shout  ‘Long  live 
Korea!’  In  some  places  there  has  been  violence,  throwing  of 
stones,  etc.,  but  not  at  first.  The  government  up  to  the  present 
has  not  done  a thing  but  shoot  and  maim  them.  Of  course  it 
has  told  them  to  stop,  but  in  no  way  has  it  come  in  touch  with 
the  leaders  to  see  what  could  be  done  to  stop  this  awful  affair. 

94 


I am  in  disfavor  because  I have  told  government  officials  (and 
my  article)  that  I believe  in  advanced  reforms.  I do  not  believe 
in  immediate  independence. 

“I  am  sending  this  letter  via  Shanghai.  Nothing  can  get 
out  like  this  these  days.  Remember  the  trouble  is  we  are  under 
the  heel  of  a militaristic  government  exactly  like  the  German. 
I was  caught  by  some  soldiers  on  Sunday.  They  soon  let  me 
go.  I was  going  to  see  a man  who  had  been  badly  beaten  by 
the  police.  It  is  all  your  life’s  worth  to  go  into  the  country  these 
days.  Oh,  Japan  is  cruel!  Even  the  best  Japanese  Christians 
of  course  back  their  Empire.  I know  Japan  now.  Nationally 
aggressive,  obtaining  her  ends  at  all  costs;  if  Christianity  and 
love  suit  her,  they  are  used ; if  the  foulest  methods  of  Machiavelli 
are  required,  they  are  employed,  and  all  is  covered  with  a smiling 
lie.  I know  her,  but  it  took  me  two  years.” 

Exhibit  XXVIII 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

April  30th,  1919. 

Dear  Mr. : 

Things  are  quiet  in  , but  there  are  still  disturbances 

elsewhere.  Nearly  every  day  we  see  batches  of  prisoners  from 

the  country  being  brought  to for  examination.  Numerous 

churches  have  been  burned  by  the  military.  The  Northern  Pres- 
byterians report  at  least  seven  church  structures  and  a large 
school  destroyed  in  this  way,  and  we  know  that  the  Southern 
Methodist  and  other  Missions  have  had  similar  losses.  The  stu- 
dents in  the  higher  schools  have  not  returned  to  study  so  far. 
A number  of  our  students  in  both  colleges  with  which  I am  con- 
nected are  still  imprisoned. 

A terrible  thing  happened  at  about  . miles  from 

. In  a village  there  the  men  were  ordered  by  the  soldiers 

to  go  to  the  church  on  a Tuesday  afternoon.  About  a dozen 
Christians  and  some  twenty  members  of  the  Chundokyo  re- 
sponded. When  they  were  in  the  church,  the  soldiers  fired 
through  the  windows,  killing  and  wounding  the  party.  Then  the 
church  was  set  on  fire.  The  flames  set  one-half  of  the  village 
on  fire,  and  the  soldiers  then  set  fire  to  the  other  half.  All  but 
three  houses  were  destroyed.  It  is  claimed  that  this  was  done 

95 


in  retaliation  for  the  killing  of  a gendarme,  but  so  far  as  w.e 
can  find  out  the  gendarme  was  killed  at  quite  a distance  from 
this  particular  settlement.  We  have  heard  that  the  authorities 
have  called  the  perpetrators  to  task,  and  have  started  in  to 
rebuild  the  village  as  reparation. 


Exhibit  XXIX 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

Tokyo,  April  23,  1919. 

Dear  Mr. : 

Mr.  Mowry  was  arrested  on  April  4th  and  was  detained 
in  prison  until  the  19th  inst.,  when  he  was  sentenced  to  six 
months’  imprisonment  at  hard  labor,  but  was  released  or.  bail, 
pending  the  hearing  of  the  appeal  trial.  The  charge  against 
Mr.  Mowry  was  that  of  sheltering  five  Korean  “criminals”  and 
of  allowing  them  to  prepare  seditious  literature  on  his  or  on 
Dr.  Moffett’s  premises.  One  of  these  Koreans  was  Mr.  Mowry’s 
secretary  and  all  the  others  I think  were  student  friends — one 
of  them  being  a son  of  Rev.  Kil  Sun  Choo  of  Pyengyang,  who 
was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Independence  Manifesto.  At  the 
trial  Mr.  Mowry  admitted  that  these  five  men  had  each  of  them 
slept  in  his  home  on  certain  nights,  but  denied  that  he  knew  that 
the  police  were  searching  for  them  or  that  he  knew  that  they 
were  fleeing  from  the  police,  although  he  said  he  suspected 
it  in  regard  to  some  of  them.  It  might  be  said  that  Mr.  Mowry 
has  for  years  been  in  the  habit  of  entertaining  Korean  friends — 
students  and  others — in  his  home  in  this  way,  and  had  enter- 
tained some  of  these  men  before.  Mowry  stated,  however,  that 
the  police  had  not  notified  anyone  'that  they  were  searching  for 
these  men  and  that  he  did  not  think  it  was  wrong  or  would 
have  been  wrong  unless  he  had  known  that  the  police  did  want 
them.  Also  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  mere  fact  that 
a man  is  a Christian  Korean  is  sufficient  these  days  to  lead  the 
police  to  desire  to  arrest  and  investigate  him. 

The  trial  came  off  on  April  15th,  no  notice  having  been 
given  either  Mr.  Mowry  or  Dr.  Moffett,  who  was  endeavoring 
to  keep  in  touch  with  the  case,  until  2 P.  M.  of  the  fourteenth, 
when  it  was  too  late  to  secure  a lawyer,  as  the  nearest  avail- 

96 


able  lawyer  lives  in  Seoul  and  the  trial  was  to  take  place  at 
10  A.  M.  on  the  fifteenth.  So  the  case  went  to  trial  without 
a lawyer.  The  public  procurator  asked  for  a sentence  as  above 
— the  law  allowing  up  to  two  years’  imprisonment  or  a fine  of 
Yen  200.  The  judge  took  the  case  under  advisement  until  the 
nineteenth,  and  then  pronounced  judgment  as  asked  by  the 
procurator.  By  this  time  Dr.  Moffett  had  engaged  a Mr.  Okobo 
to  represent  Mr.  Mowry,  and  an  appeal  was  filed  and  granted 
and  Mr.  Mowry  was  released  on  Yen  300  bail. 

In  the  meantime,  over  here  in  Japan,  Mr.  and 

I had  been  trying  to  engage  Dr.  F.  Usawa,  who  was  in  charge 
of  “The  Conspiracy  Case”  with  Dr.  Hanai.  On  April  10th  Mr. 

left  Tokyo  for  Nagasaki,  where  Dr.  Usawa  was  engaged 

on  a case,  and  there  made  a tentative  arrangement  with  him. 
These  two  lawyers  are  said  to  be  the  best  criminal  lawyers  in 
Japan,  and  Dr.  Usawa,  as  you  know,  is  a Christian,  a member 
of  Mr.  Uemura’s  church.  Dr.  Usawa  returned  to  Tokyo  on  the 
15th  and  I met  him  on  that  day  and  again  on  the  22nd,  yesterday, 
on  his  return  from  another  case.  At  this  second  interview,  I, 
acting  on  instructions  from  Chosen,  definitely  engaged  Dr. 
Usawa  to  take  charge  of  the  case — in  company  with  Mr.  Okobo. 
Dr.  Usawa  thinks  that  he  will  be  able  to  go  to  Chosen  before  the 
middle  of  May,  and  yesterday  telegraphed  to  Mr.  Okobo  to  try  to 
get  the  case  fixed  for  May  12th.  I also  urged  Dr.  Usawa  to  go 
as  soon  as  possible  and  stay  as  long  as  he  could  because  he  ought  to 
see  for  himself  the  conditions  in  the  country.  I had  a very  frank 
talk  with  him  and  told  him  some  of  the  happenings  we  had  wit- 
nessed personally.  He  said  he  would  go  to  Chosen  with  an  open 
mind  and  see  all  he  could. 

Mr. , after  he  met  Dr.  Usawa  in  Nagasaki,  crossed 

over  to  Chosen.  I,  however,  because  it  was  necessary  for  someone 
to  stay  to  perfect  arrangements  with  Dr.  Usawa  and  also  because 
Mr.  F.  L.  Brown  is  due  here  soon  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
Tokyo  World’s  Sunday  School  Convention,  stayed  on.  At  first  it 
seemed  that  every  avenue  of  approach  to  influential  Japanese  was 
blocked.  However,  within  the  last  week  a good  many  facts  as  to  the 
real  condition  of  affairs  in  Korea  have  begun  to  come  out,  even  in 
Japan,  as  the  enclosed  clipping  from  the  Japan  Advertiser  will 
indicate.  This  has  led  to  a suspicion  on  the  part  of  many  influen- 
tial Japanese  that  the  censorship  has  prevented  the  real  state  of 

97 


affairs  from  being  known ; and  it  having  been  reported  that  mis- 
sionaries from  Korea  are  in  Tokyo,  I am  beginning  to  receive 
invitations  from  a number  of  such  men  to  meet  them  and  tell 
them  what  the  situation  is  from  our  viewpoint.  This  I am 
doing  because  it  is  the  only  means  we  have  of  bettering  the 
terrible  situation  now  obtaining.  Already  the  Federated  Council 
of  Churches  had  decided  to  send  two  men  to  Chosen,  one  of 

whom  is  Mr. ; the  other  is  not  decided.  Also — 

and  Dr.  — 1 have  asked  me  to  meet  them  on  the  25th  to 

talk  over  the  situation  and  they  say  that  they  too  will  probably 
send  over  a delegation,  some  of  whom  will  be  members  of  the 
Diet.  There  are  a good  many  encouraging  signs  that  a change 
in  public  opinion  in  Japan,  which  has  been  fed  with  falsified  reports, 
may  be  brought  about. 

April  26th,  1919. 

Yesterday,  as  indicated  above,  I met  Baron and 

Dr.  . There  were  present  also  Mr. , of  the 

Japan  Peace  Society,  and  Mr.  . We  talked  about  two 

hours  and  I told  them  very  frankly  just  what  is  occurring  in 
Chosen.  They  were  interested  to  the  end  and  said  that  they  felt 
that  a delegation  of  prominent  Japanese  outside  of  Government 

circles  should  be  sent  over.  Mr.  and  I urged  them 

to  send  this  delegation  as  soon  as  possible.  These  two  gentlemen 
were  absolutely  in  ignorance  of  what  is  being  done  in  Korea, 
and  I think  the  conference  did  good.  This  morning  I met 

Mr.  and  talked  with  him  for  about  an  hour.  His 

sympathies  are  wholly  with  the  Koreans  in  their  desire  for 
greater  liberties.  He  urged  three  things : First,  that  we  should  give 
the  facts  to  the  world.  He  said  the  Government  would  probably 
resent  the  publication  of  the  facts,  but  that  it  was  the  only  way  to 
remedy  the  situation  ; second  in  connection  with  the  publication  of 
these  facts,  let  the  newspapers  of  New  York,  Paris  and  London  point 
out  that  this  situation  has  been  brought  about  by  the  military 
regime,  and  let  them  urge  Japan  to  change  it;  third,  that  if 
possible  the  American  and  British  Governments  ought  to  be 
approached  to  get  them  to  bring  pressure  on  Japan  to  change 

her  policy  in  this  respect.  He  urged  me  to  speak  to . In 

all  these  conferences  we  have  declined  to  speak  about  the  political 
side  of  the  question  and  have  tried  to  make  very  plain  that  we 
are  not  taking  any  part  in  that;  but  also  we  try  to  make  very 

98 


plain  that  we  feel  that  we  do  have  a right  to  speak  of  the 
humanitarian  side. 

I feel  repaid  for  coming,  for  another  reason  also — I have 
met  so  many  just  and  fair-minded  Japanese  that  I am  forming 
a juster  estimate  of  their  character  as  a whole.  If  Japan 
could  only  throw  off  militarism  there  would  be  great  hope  for 
her. 

April  30th,  1919. 

Since  writing  you  on  the  23rd  and  26th,  events  have  taken 
place  rapidly.  The  first  is  the  admission  by  Count  Hasegawa 
that  atrocities  have  occurred  in  Chosen.  I send  you  among  other 
things  two  extracts  from  The  Japan  Advertiser,  one  under  date 
of  April  27th  and  one  under  date  of  April  29th,  which  will  be 
self  explanatory.  All  I would  say  in  addition  to  the  information 
that  these  articles  contain  is  that  such  happenings  have  occurred 
in  many  other  places  in  Chosen  according  to  reports  which  have 
been  brought  to  us  by  trustworthy  Koreans.  I enclose  an 
account  of  one  that  is  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  town  of 
Maingsan,  which  is  about  110  miles  north  of  Pyengyang — we 
have  a Christian  church  there  and  the  report  was  brought  to  us 
by  a Bible  woman  whom  we  know  well  and  who  is  trustworthy. 
These  are  but  examples,  though  the  worst  ones  of  which  we 
know.  On  a smaller  scale,  however,  the  same  thing  has  happened 
in  numberless  villages. 

I have  made  some  progress  in  the  way  of  meeting  influential 
Japanese  and  laying  before  them  the  true  situation  in  Chosen. 
And  I am  greatly  encouraged  to  find  that  they  are  as  indignant 
and  as  horrified  as  anyone  else  when  they  do  know  the  facts. 

Kobe,  May  17,  1919. 

Our  interview  with  an  important  member  of  the  Government 
was  at  once  more  interesting  and  satisfactory.  His  attitude  was 
most  cordial  and  receptive,  and  though,  of  course,  his  official 
position  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  give  detailed  statements 
regarding  the  Government’s  policy,  he  indicated  with  great 
clearness  what  that  policy  was  regarding  Chosen.  The  inter- 
view began  by  a statement  on  our  part  of  our  reasons  for  the 
belief  that  in  suppressing  the  agitation  in  Korea  a dispropor- 
tionate amount  of  repression  was  being  directed  against  Chris- 
tianity ; to  a statement  of  what  appeared  to  us  to  be  some  of  the 

99 


underlying  reasons  why  Christians  had  taken  part  in  the  move- 
ment and  a statement  of  our  apprehension  regarding  the  future 

of  Christian  work  in  Korea,  Mr.  replied  to  the  effect  that 

the  Government  had  no  intention  of  discriminating  between 
Christians  and  non-Christians,  but  while  there  was  some  reason 
to  believe  that  Christians  had  been  particularly  involved  there 
were  misunderstandings  on  both  sides.  He  said  the  Government 
had  been  on  the  point  of  making  reforms  when  the  trouble  broke 
out  in  Korea,  and  therefore  there  was  nothing  else  to  do  but 
suppress  it,  after  which  the  Government  proposed  to  make  defi- 
nite reforms,  which  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  state  in  detail. 
He  said  the  Government  has  no  anti-Christian  bias,  but  that 
lower  officials  often  fail  to  convey  the  Governments  ideas  and 
to  carry  out  orders  in  the  proper  manner.  After  quiet  is  restored 
mistaken  and  overzealous  officials  will  be  punished.  He  said 
that  Koreans  must  be  treated  in  every  way  as  equals,  with  all 
rights  accorded  Japanese  in  the  home  country,  but  that  this 
ideal  could  not  be  realized  in  “one  jump.”  Korea  is  not  like 
Egypt  and  India.  There  the  British  are  governing  aliens.  Here 
Koreans  and  Japanese  are  of  one  stock  originally  and  must  ulti- 
mately be  accorded  similarity  of  treatment.  There  is  racial  dis- 
crimination all  over  the  world — even  in  Paris ! It  cannot  be 
wiped  out  at  one  sweep.  He  said  furthermore  that  there  must 
be  no  difference  in  education  between  Japanese  and  Koreans. 
Perhaps  his  most  important  and  significant  statement,  the  bearing 
of  which  upon  our  troublesome  educational  problem  of  the  past 
few  years  you  will  at  once  recognize,  was  to  the  effect  that 
private  schools  in  Chosen  ought  to  have  as  complete  liberty  to 
teach  religion  and  the  Bible  as  they  do  in  Japan  proper.  He  is 
therefore  evidently  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  Korean  adminis- 
tration against  which  our  Mission  has  been  holding  out  con- 
sistently since  the  new  educational  ordinances  were  promulgated. 
He  said  in  conclusion  that  religion  should  be  as  free  in  Korea 
as  in  Japan  proper  and  authorized  us  to  tell  the  Koreans  that 
real  reforms  would  be  made.  We  regretfully  pointed  out  to  him 
that  the  Koreans  would  not  credit  the  statement,  even  coming 
from  us,  and  did  not  commit  ourselves  to  any  course  of  action. 

As  in  the  case  of  (another  important  member  of  the 

Government)  we  expressed  our  earnest  hope  that  the  degree  of 
liberty  which  he  evidently  favored  might  soon  be  realized  and 

100 


we  left  with  him  a copy  of  the  document  outlining  some  of  the 
reasons  of  the  present  agitation,  a copy  of  which  was  forwarded 
to  you  in  my  last  letter. 

You  will  be  interested  to  know  that  the  Council  of  Federated 
Churches  of  Japan  is  sending  two  Japanese  pastors  in  company 
with  Mr.  Gilbert  Bowles,  of  the  Friends’  Mission,  to  Korea,  to 
get  some  first-hand  information.  These  gentlemen  expect  to 
arrive  in  Seoul  about  the  21st  of  May. 

Since  arriving  in  Kobe  we  have  learned  that  in  spite  of 
Governor  General  Hasagawa’s  assurance  on  April  27th  that 
atrocities  would  stop,  and  also  in  spite  of  the  above  statement 
that  the  Government  has  no  anti-Christian  bias,  the  burning  of 
churches  still  continues.  Whether  or  not  the  Government  has  an 
anti-Christian  bias  we  are  convinced  that  the  acts  of  its  servants 
show  a distinct  and  vicious  bias  against  Christianity. 

Exhibit  XXX 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

April  30th,  1919. 

Dear  Father: 

I want  to  send  you  a sort  of  estimate  of  the  situation 
which  may  help  you  to  correct  any  opinions  that  have  been 

wrong.  The  telegraphic  news  from  has  not  always 

been  reliable,  and  it  may  be  that  many  wild  rumors  have  gone 
out. 

In  regard  to  missionaries  participating  in  the  independence 
uprising  there  is  not  the  slightest  truth.  We  have  not  even 
known  what  was  being  done  till  after  the  events  were  pulled 
off  in  most  cases.  We  have  had  a great  many  men  come  to  us 
for  advice  as  to  how  they  should  act  as  church  officers  under 
such  a situation,  and  all  that  we  have  done  has  been  to  talk 
frankly  of  our  non-participation  in  the  matter,  of  the  danger  of 
the  destruction  of  the  church  in  the  movement,  and  of  the  large 
chance  that  there  is  very  small  hope  that  their  appeal  for  inde- 
pendence will  ever  accomplish  anything  but  loss  of  life  and  the 
tightening  of  the  oppression.  The  fact  that  the  pastors  so 
largely  went  into  the  movement  as  leaders  looks  to  the  officials 
as  though  we  were  back  of  it  somehow,  but  that  simply  illus- 
trates the  well-organized  channels  of  influence  that  we  have 

101 


created  in  the  machinery  and  life  of  the  Christian  community. 
This  church  organization  was  not  at  all  used  officially  as  far 
as  I have  heard.  I have  not  heard  of  a single  case  where  the 
officers  of  the  church  have  used  their  office  or  the  regular  meet- 
ings of  the  church  for  political  propaganda.  None  the  less  the 
mutual  confidence  and  acquaintance  of  Christians  all  over  the 
country  have  offered  the  strongest  and  most  effective  channel  of 
political  effort  after  the  independence  movement  won  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Christian  leaders.  The  names  of  Pastor . 

of , and  of , of , of  the  original 

manifesto,  did  more  to  turn  the  hearts  of  the  Christians  all  over 
the  country  to  the  movement  than  anything  else.  Their  influence 
is  ignored  by  the  officials  and  missionary  influence  is  suspected 
instead.  It  is  a Korean  movement  in  method,  in  spirit,  and  in 
management. 

That  the  Christian  church  is  right  in  the  midst  of  the 
movement  no  one  will  deny.  The  fact  that  a very  large  numbei 
ot  our  most  influential  pastors,  elders,  students,  and  prominent 
Christians  are  in  prison  now  is  clear  proof  that  they  have  been 
making  their  influence  felt.  It  is  evident  that  the  Christians  are 
the  only  ones  sufficiently  in  touch  with  the  international  situation 
to  realize  that  the  principle  of  the  self-determination  of  small 
nations  could  be  applied  to  their  case  at  this  strategic  time.  The 
idea  that  appeal  and  protest  and  noise  are  as  powerful  as  guns 
would  never  have  swept  the  country  if  the  Christians  were  not 
what  they  are.  The  Christians  are  the  only  ones  who  have  not 
been  intimidated  to  the  extermination  of  all  hope.  Our  Chris- 
tians have  felt  that  our  presence  was  an  influence  which  would 
compel  justice.  The  Christian  community  contains  men  able 
to  do  things  on  a large  scale  and  ready  to  go  forward  if  the 
way  is  opened.  The  church  is  strongest  along  the  Manchurian 
border  provinces  and  thus  most  quickly  reached  by  the  influences 
of  the  political  agitators  who  have  taken  refuge  in  China.  So 
all  these  things  have  combined  to  put  Christian  leaders  in  the 
lead  in  this  independence  movement.  But  they  have  gone  into 
it  without  the  knowledge  of  the  mission  body,  even  their  nearest 
individual  missionary  co-workers  being  left  in  the  dark  till  after 
the  demonstrations  were  under  way.  No  missionary  would  have 
had  the  faith  or  foolhardiness  to  attack  one  of  the  strongest 
military  powers  in  the  world  without  a sword  or  a gun  or  any 

10? 


financial  backing,  or  trustworthy  political  friends.  The  Koreans 
have  evidently  made  up  their  minds  that  they  would  rather  die 
than  go  on  as  they  are,  and  so  they  are  committing  suicide  on 
Japan’s  doorstep  in  protest,  in  proper  Oriental  fashion.  ‘Self- 
determination  or  Self-extermination’  is  the  spirit  of  the  move- 
ment. 

As  to  the  extent  of  the  movement  there  are  two  possible 
views.  The  uprisings  have  occurred  day  and  night.  Market 
days,  especially  where  there  were  thousands  of  people  assembled 
and  arrest  was  most  difficult,  were  especially  used.  Schoolboys 
all  over  the  land  have  struck,  and  only  those  whom  the  police 
can  lay  absolute  hands  on  have  been  induced  to  return  to  their 
books,  and  then  their  work  has  been  largely  pretense.  Great 
sections  of  farmers  have  refused  to  sow  crops.  Merchants  have 
refused  to  open  their  shops  till  forced  to  do  so  day  after  day 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  As  communications  are  cut  off 
we  cannot  be  sure  as  to  what  is  going  on  now,  but  the  streams 
of  prisoners  that  come  in  day  by  day  now,  after  two  months 
of  incessant  uprisings  would  indicate  that  every  little  hamlet  is 
involved  more  or  less.  Usually  the  method  has  been  for  the 
villages  of  a township  to  send  in  all  their  younger  men  to  a 
central  market  on  a day  fixed,  and  there,  all  together,  they  have 
gone  to  the  official  offices  and  shouted  their  throats  sore,  saying 
‘Mansay  for  Korea.’  Every  province  and  most  of  the  large 
market  places  throughout  the  whole  land  have  had  their  demon- 
stration. High  and  low,  rich  and  poor,  Christian,  Buddhist  and 
Confucian,  church  schools  and  Japanese  public  schools  without 
distinction,  have  gone  into  the  demonstrations,  willingly  facing 
death  or  imprisonment  or  beating,  sheltering  neither  themselves 
nor  their  families — all  in  hopes  that  somehow  the  voice  of  the 
oppressed  would  reach  the  ear  of  a merciful  God  and  gain  the 
help  of  a world  newly  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and 
justice. 

The  means  used  to  suppress  the  revolt  have  been  unmerci- 
ful. In  fact  the  movement  has  probably  reached  its  present  pro- 
portions largely  because  of  cruel  methods  of  officials  in  their  at- 
tempt to  crush  it.  ‘Frightfulness’  is  the  proper  word  to  describe 
much  that  has  taken  place.  Arrests  have  been  made,  with  beating 
with  clubs,  swords,  guns,  fists  and  whips.  Where  the  crowds 
seemed  too  threatening  they  have  been  dispersed  by  shooting 

103 


promiscuously  into  the  crowds  without  reference  to  guilt  or 
non-guilt.  After  arrest  the  treatment  has  been  cruel.  Trials 
have  been  run  so  nominally  and  official  beating  administered 
with  little  care  as  to  whether  the  men  beaten  were  the  men 
who  were  in  the  demonstrations  or  not.  All  were  in  sympathy 
no  doubt,  and  it  has  been  on  this  supposition  that  this  indiscrim- 
inate punishment  has  been  so  freely  administered,  but  it  is  not 
just  to  punish  a man  for  what  he  has  not  done.  Old  men  have 
been  laid  hold  on  and  beaten  in  substitution  for  their  sons  and 
grandsons  and  for  neighbors  who  were  leaders  but  fled  and 
have  avoided  arrest.  Wives  have  been  thus  beaten  and  cast  into 
prison  to  compel  them  to  produce  their  husbands.  Many  farmers 
have  been  told  that  they  would  be  beaten  and  released,  so  that 
they  could  go  back  to  their  farming.  But  they  have  often  been 
given  ninety  strokes  with  such  cruelty  that  they  have  had  to 
be  carried  home  in  stretchers.  Tales  of  rape  are  now  coming 
in  frequently.  Torture  to  extract  information  seems  common. 
How  many  have  been  killed  outright  no  one  can  estimate. 
There  have  been  many  in  this  district.  Most  of  our  Christian 
leaders  seem  to  have  been  imprisoned  before  the  shooting  was 
resorted  to.  The  only  Christian  killed  here  in  this  city  'was 
killed  by  kicks  on  the  back  of  the  neck  during  the  process  of 
arrest.  His  funeral  was  the  biggest  that  this  city  has  ever  seen 
and  the  non-Christian  community  joined  with  the  Christians  in 
singing  Gospel  songs  as  they  went  along,  guarded  by  a heavy 
. military  escort.  None  of  our  churches  in  this  province  have 
been  burned,  but  there  are  undeniable  testimonies  of  the  burning 
of  large  churches  in  various  districts  of  the  north  of  here.  One 

well  authenticated  case  of  barbarism  was  in  , where 

twenty  or  twenty-five  Christians  were  shut  up  in  their  church, 
shot  down  first,  and  then  burned  up  in  their  building.  This  was 
done,  it  is  claimed,  by  the  new  soldiers  who  have  recently 
arrived.  A Korean  woman  would  rather  die  than  expose  her 
naked  body  in  ways  not  conformable  to  local  custom.  But  it 
seems  to  be  the  common  delight  of  official  depravity  just  now 
to  humiliate  our  Christian  women  by  stripping  them  and  beating 
them  while  naked.  This  may  be  claimed  to  be  merely  a process 
of  searching  their  persons,  but  the  effect  is  maddening  on  the 
Korean  masses. 

The  evident  attempt  on  the  part  of  some  officials  and  most 

104 


of  the  semi-official  press  to  put  the  blame  for  this  trouble  on 
the  missionaries  has  taken  various  forms  and  had  several  results. 

The  arrest  of  Mr.  has  aroused  sympathy  all  over  the 

country.  The  most  reserved  sections  of  the  old  com- 

munities have  been  touched  by  this  as  perhaps  by  nothing  that 
has  ever  happened.  They  know  what  missionaries  do,  and  such 
persecution  in  connection  with  their  patriotic  movement  for 
independence  has  given  an  open  door  where  we  have  never  had 
welcome.  Missionaries  have  been  beaten  and  treated  in  humil- 
iating ways  frequently.  The  press  is  full  of  ridicule  because  of 
what  they  pretend  to  think  has  been  the  gross  mistake  of  the 
American  missionaries  in  leading  the  Koreans  into  this  strife 
and  bloodshed  when  even  a fool  would  have  had  better  sense. 
But,  as  might  be  expected,  such  articles  don’t  fool  the  men  who 
are  putting  the  demonstrations  through.  The  true  position  of 
the  missionaries  is  probably  more  of  a matter  of  discussion  over 
the  nation  than  ever  before  and  all  to  the  good  of  the  cause 
we  represent.  It  looks  now  as  though  the  biggest  kind  of  a 
landslide  were  headed  towards  the  church.  Of  course,  this  is 
largely  political,  but  the  nation  knows  now  what  Christianity 
and  the  church  are,  and  most  of  those  who  are  coming  in  are 
ready  for  both  the  patriotic  leadership  of  their  Christian  brethren 
and  also  for  the  full  religious  life  which  they  have  for  years 
known  to  be  the  only  true  way  of  life,  but  have  refused  for 
various  reasons.  Reports  of  church  attendance  doubling  in  var- 
ious places  are  more  and  more  frequent  right  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  distressing  police  surveillance.  Some  churches,  where  ali 
the  leaders  are  in  prison,  are  practically  closed,  but  in  general 
the  work  of  the  Gospel  is  going  right  on,  even  though  it  has 
been  impossible  for  missionaries  to  go  to  them.  In  one  place  a 
policeman  was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  searching  the  churches 
of  a district.  He  went  about  instructing  the  population  that 
now  is  the  time  that  all  should  become  Christians.  Another 
story  which  came  yesterday,  also,  is  that  at  one  of  the  near-by 
demonstrations  where  a policeman,  Korean,  was  given  a gun  by 
ja  Japanese  gendarme  and  ordered  to  shoot.  He  shot  into  the 
air  until  ordered  to  use  the  gun  as  a club.  He  rushed  madly 
toward  a defenceless  and  harmless  old  grandmother  with  up- 
lifted gun  and  brought  it  down  with  a crash  on  the  stone  wall 
£t  her  side.  The  gun  stock  was  splintered  and  the  gun  a wreck. 

105 


The  question  as  to  whether  the  uprising  is  justifiable  or  not 
may  be  questioned  by  some.  All  agree  that  the  Japanese  have 
given  the  Koreans  such  an  awakening  in  the  last  ten  years  as 
they  would  not  have  attained  in  a hundred  all  by  themselves. 
A reliable,  clean  government,  better  commercial  enterprises, 
railways  and  auto  roads,  mail  service  and  telegraph,  news- 
papers and  public  schools,  courts  of  justice  and  reliable  laws 
have  been  given  Korea  in  a day  by  Japan.  But  the  missionary 
enterprise  and  the  Japanese  invasion  have  united  in  awakening 
the  nation,  and  now  the  time  comes  when  they  refuse  taxation 
without  representation,  object  to  search  of  their  homes  and  per- 
sons by  any  common  police,  protest  against  being  beaten  without 
trial,  having  their  lands  seized  by  the  government  without 
compensation  for  the  building  of  good  roads,  resent  having 
the  so-called  reliable,  clean  government  break  down  wherever 
Japanese  interests  are  involved ; they  abominate  the  system  of 
public  prosecution  forced  upon  their  every  community  by  the 
semi-official  organization  that  is  undermining  the  chastity  of  the 
nation.  Their  mail  is  searched  and  seized  at  any  small  pretense. 
Commercial  enterprise  is  flourishing,  but  under  such  conditions 
as  to  render  Koreans  hopelessly  the  commercial  slaves  of  the 
Japanese  overlords.  Competition  on  a fair  basis  seems  impos- 
sible. Public  schools  are  very  few.  They  have  changed  text- 
books so  that  Korean  children  are  taught  history  which  lauds 
Japan  and  ignores  the  ancient  glories  of  Korea.  Fathers  clench 
their  fists  as  they  complain  that  they  are  compelled  to  send  their 
children  to  Japanese  schools  to  learn  in  a hated  language  things 
that  they  hold  to  be  lies.  Christian  and  non-Christian  schools 
have  been  crushed  and  the  Bible  ordered  out  of  mission  schools 
even.  Newspapers  are  filled  with  stuff  that  has  been  concocted 
and  censored  by  the  Government  till  one  wonders  that  manhood 
could  so  desert  an  editor.  How  can  any  intelligent  human  being 
so  garble  facts  in  their  papers,  while  admitting  that  they  do  so  at  the 
order  of  the  powers  that  be?  New  roads  are  good,  but  the  Koreans, 
who  have  built  them  without  proper  remuneration  at  the  point  of  a 
sword  in  great  gangs  of  forced  labor,  do  not  appreciate  them.  Kor- 
eans justly  feel  outraged  that  Japan  limits  their  right  to  have  good 
schools  of  higher  than  high  school  grade,  and  then  refuses  to  let  their 
best  sons  go  abroad  to  get  an  education,  except  a limited  number 
who  are  kept  under  Japanese  tutelage  in  Tokyo.  Japanese. 

m 


salaries  for  men  in  the  same  work  throughout  the  whole  Govern- 
ment system  are  twice  what  Koreans  get.  And  yet  it  is  the 
Koreans  who  pay  the  taxes.  The  progress  is  fine  and  the  ship  rides 
high  on  the  wave,  but  it  has  become  unbearable  to  the  galley 
slaves  in  the  hold. 

Exhibit  XXXI 

A PERSONAL  LETTER 

April  30th,  1919. 

My  dear  Dr.  : 

No  new  village-burnings  in  this  locality  recently,  and  the 
Government  is  doing  some  relief  work  for  the  worst  cases  here 
now.  A committee  representing  all  Westerners  living  in  Seoul 
met  yesterday,  and  has  called  a mass  meeting  of  all  foreigners  for 
to-morrow  at  the  United  States  Consulate  General,  to  plan  for 
supplementing  the  Government  aid.  They  have  rice,  arid  not 
a spoon  with  which  to  eat  it,  or  a dish  in  which  to  cook  it;  no 
bedding,  no  clothes  but  those  in  which  they  stood  when  the 
massacre  took  place,  and  they  fled  from  the  burning  houses  as 

they  were.  It  makes  your  blood  boil ! The  church  at  

(better  not  give  the  name),  in  north  P.  Y.  was  burned  the  other 
night,  and  the  Christians  were  not  allowed  to  try  to  put  out  the 
fire.  $10,000.00  would  not  replace  it.  “How  long,  O Lord,  how 
long  ?” 

No  school  for  us  this  spring,  but  I have  enougli  to  do. 
More  soldiers  here  in  Seoul,  garrisoning  the  city  itself,  though 
there  has  been  no  violence  or  even  shouting  here  for  weeks. 

To-day’s  Seoul  Press  reports  that  a Korean  was  sentenced 
to  five  years  penal  servitude  for  leading  a band  of  agitators  and 
throwing  stones  at  a police  box  ON  MARCH  26!  That  means 
that  the  new  law  imposing  imprisonment  for  ten  years  for  disturbing 
public  order,  a copy  of  which  you  have,  is  RETROACTIVE. 
When  the  new  law  was  promulgated,  on  April  15th,  no  date  was 
given  from  which  it  took  effect.  But  it  was  stated  then  that 
under  the  existing  laws  the  maximum  penalty  was  two  years, 
so  we  conclude  that  it  is  the  plan  to  apply  the  new  law  to  cases 
that  are  now  in  the  courts. 

The  Korean  Church  is  standing  up  well.  A famous  old 

107 


chap,  Mr.  , was  being  examined  the  other  day,  and 

when  they  asked  him  what  should  be  done  to  make  things 
peaceful,  he  said:  “All  you  Japanese  should  begin  by  becoming 
Christians;  then  get  a new  start.”  I will  not  soil  my  paper 
with  their  answer,  but  he  went  back  to  his  cell  in  the  jail  happy 
because  he  had  spoken  “a  good  word  for  Jesus  Christ.”  They 
are  not  beating  him,  I am  glad  to  say,  but  he  is  a rare  exception. 

Hastily, 


Exhibit  XXXII 

THE  FAILURE  OF  JAPANESE  IMPERIALISM  IN  KOREA 

By  a Britisher 

On  March  first  of  this  year  there  was  initiated  in  Korea 
a remarkable  revolution;  remarkable  not  only  because  of  its 
severe  indictment  of  Japanese  imperial  rule,  but  also  because  of 
the  nature  and  methods  of  the  revolution  itself.  Despite  the 
superinquisitiveness  of  the  Japanese  police  this  people  of  twenty 
million  souls  rose  spontaneously  within  a few  days,  and  took  the 
Japanese  officials  unawares.  Their  “Independence  Manifesto” 
was  circulated,  in  the  near-by  districts  by  carriers,  but  in  outlying 
places  was  posted  Japanese  mail  and  on  hand  for  the  day  cf  the 
demonstration.  The  method  followed  was  that  of  passive  re- 
sistance. No  violence  was  resorted  to.  Throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  land  the  people  contented  themselves  with 
speeches  in  favor  of  independence,  with  waving  of  Korean  flags 
of  the  old  regime,  and  with  shouts  of  “Mansai.”  The  thirty- 
three  men  whose  signatures  were  affixed  to  the  manifesto 
gathered  in  Seoul  on  the  first,  read  their  manifesto,  and,  after 
celebrating  the  event  by  a dinner,  calmly  telephoned  the  Japanese 
police  and  offered  themselves  for  arrest.  The  police,  marvelling, 
assented,  but  soon  found  that  they  had  a heavier  task  ahead 
of  them  as  reports  were  flashed  by  wire  from  the  provinces, 
telling  of  demonstrations  in  all  the  large  centers.  The  avowed 
aim  of  the  demonstration  was  to  protest  against  Japanese  rule 
and  acquaint  the  world  at  large  of  the  Korean  nation-wide 
desire  for  political  independence.  The  Japanese  authorities, 
taken  absolutely  by  surprise,  could  think  of  no  method  of  sup- 

108 


pression  than  military  force,  and  for  several  days  the  soldiery 
ran  amuck,  creating  great  havoc.  But  the  Koreans,  true  to 
their  prearranged  plan,,  bore  it  all  with  stoic  fortitude  and  only 
in  very  exceptional  circumstances  retaliated  in  kind.  The  rancor 
which  such  uncalled-for  severity  engendered  in  the  minds  of 
the  Koreans  was  not  likely  to  be  softened  by  the  Governor 
General’s  proclamation,  in  which  he  declared  that  “Japan  and 
Korea  are  perfectly  united  into  one  great  power — a power  which 
constitutes  one  of  the  principal  factors  in  the  League  of  Na- 
tions,” and  in  which  he  appealed  to  all  Koreans  to  “exert  them- 
selves for  the  harmonious  unification  and  co-ordination  of  the 
two,  in  order  to  participate  in  the  great  work  of  humanity  and 
righteousness  as  one  of  the  leading  powers  of  the  world.” 

Here,  then,  is  a new  thing  under  the  sun — a passive  revolu- 
tion— remarkable  enough  for  thinking  men  to  take  notice  of. 
At  this  time,  when  the  two  great  Anglo-Saxon  peoples  are  stand- 
ing together  for  the  principles  of  liberty  and  nationalism,  for 
treaty  obligations,  and  the  rights  of  small  nations  safeguarded 
therein,  for  a pacific  as  against  a military  rule,  twenty  million 
Koreans  make  their  sober  appeal  on  these  very  points,  and 
especially  to  these  two  nations.  Their  independent  national  life 
was  throttled  by  Japan  ten  years  ago,  despite  the  fact  that  it 
had  been  guaranteed  by  treaty.  During  ten  years  they  have 
been  under  the  heel  of  a military  government  which  has  destroyed 
all  initiative,  and  which  her  well-wishers  feared  has  almost 
driven  out  all  hope  of  her  ever  regaining  a place  in  the  sun. 
The  Japanese  had  excuse  for  believing  that  their  policy  of  mili- 
tary rule  and  imperial  education  had  finally  succeeded  in  crush- 
ing all  national  aspiration.  But  surely  not  even  the  most  san- 
guine of  Japanese  statesmen  could  deceive  himself  into  believ- 
ing that  “Japan  and  Korea  are  perfectly  united  into  one  great 
nation.”  Union  is  a matter  of  “soul,”  and  the  soulless  adminis- 
tration of  the  Japanese  in  Korea  has  only  forced  Korea  to  keep 
her  soul  apart  in  sullen  unforgetfulness. 

Korea  cannot  forget  her  history.  She  cannot  forget  that 
for  nearly  four  thousand  years  she  has  been  a self-governing 
state.  It  is  true  that  she  was  long  tributary  to  China,  and  re- 
ceived most  of  her  civilization  from  this  great  centre  of  Eastern 
culture.  But  she  prides  herself  that  throughout  it  all  she  main- 
tained her  autonomy.  She  cherishes  the  memory  of  those  gen- 

109 


erals  who  succeeded  in  defeating  great  China,  and  does  not  for- 
get the  progress  in  art  and  science  which  she  made  independently 
before  her  devotion  to  Chinese  culture  stultified  her  own  native 
genius.  It  is  natural  enough,  too,  for  her  to  remember  that 
Japan  received  much  of  her  civilization  from  the  common 
Chinese  source  through  the  medium  of  Korea.  It  was  a Korean 
scholar  who  first  taught  Japan  the  Chinese  classics.  Korean 
priests  carried  to  Japan  her  national  Buddhist  religion.  It  is 
believed,  too,  that  the  Japanese  official  dress  was  fashioned  upon 
Korean  models.  And  there  is  no  question  that  the  skill  of  the 
Japanese  potter  was  directly  borrowed  from  old  Korea. 

For  several  centuries  Korea  had  lagged  behind  her  two 
great  neighbors.  Her  officials  were  selfish  despots  who  crushed 
the  people,  and  by  their  system  of  suppression  and  extortion 
put  a premium  on  ignorance  and  incompetence.  The  young 
Korean  refers  to  this  period  with  a keen  sense  of  shame,  but 
also  with  suppressed  resentment  that  the  sins  of  a past  age 
should  be  added  upon  him.  His  resentment  is  the  more 
unfeigned  when  he  considers  that  the  autonomy  she  maintained 
through  four  thousand  years — an  autonomy  that  even  great 
China  respected — should  at  last  have  been  wrested  from  her 
by  the  nation  that  drew  much  of  its  ancient  civilization  through 
her  medium,  and  whose  modernism  is  only  a few  decades  in 
advance  of  her  own. 

The  events  that  led  to  annexation  are  well  known.  The 
Chino-Japanese  War  left  Japan  mistress  of  the  East,  and  for 
her  own  safety  she  demanded  that  Korea  should  maintain  abso- 
lute neutrality,  and  be  relieved  of  her  annual  tribute  to  China. 
Danger  arose,  however,  from  another  source,  for  Russia  pushed 
her  political  influence  too  far  South  for  Japan's  peace  of  mind. 
The  result  was  the  Russo-Japanese  War  for  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  Korean  independence.  The  outcome,  how- 
ever, was  a Japanese  protectorate  over  Korea,  with  the  transfer 
to  Japan  of  Korea's  foreign  relations.  A secret  protest  against 
Japanese  interference  made  by  the  Emperor  of  Korea  to  the 
Hague  Conference  in  1907  led  to  the  dethronement  of  the  reign- 
ing monarch  and  the  tightening  of  the  chain  about  Korea.  The 
assassination  of  Prince  Ito  in  Harbin  by  a Korean,  and  re- 
peated revolts  in  the  peninsula  finally  gave  Japan  the  excuse 
for  annexation  in  1910.  It  was  done  on  a plea  of  necessity. 

110 


Korea  was  the  Eastern  core  of  contention,  and  so  long  as  she 
remained  independent,  and  so  ill-fitted  to  govern  herself,  the 
peace  of  the  East  was  threatened.  So  Japan,  in  the  flush  of 
her  victory  over  a European  power,  became  the  guardian  of 
the  peace  of  the  East,  and  inaugurated  her  assumption  of  the 
new  role  by  the  annexation  of  Korea.  During  the  ten  years 
that  have  intervened  she  has  successfully  preserved  the  peace, 
but  only,  to  use  a homely  simile,  as  a housewife  preserves  her 
summer  fruit.  She  plucks  it  from  its  living  stem,  and  adding 
enough  sugar  to  keep  it  sweet  throughout  its  captivity,  corks 
it  firmly  down  ito  keep  it  from  external  influences.  It  looks 
good  enough,  and  promised  well  enough  for  the  prospective 
consumer,  but  once  the  top  is  off,  the  ferment  begins.  Japan 
made  no  mean  showing  in  the  bottling-up  process,  nor  did  she 
stint  the  sugar.  But  there  was  never  a shadow  of  doubt  who 
the  ultimate  consumer  should  be.  And  now  that  the  lid  has 
sprung  for  a season,  the  ferment  has  already  begun. 

The  administration  of  Japan  in  Korea  has  much  to  its  credit. 
She  has  been  jealous  of  the  world’s  approval,  and  for  nine 
years  the  Governor  General  has  issued  a well-got-up  Annual 
Report  in  English  on  Reforms  and  Progress  in  Korea.  Each 
year  there  has  been  found  material  for  publication.  Japan  has 
instituted  and  carried  out  very  successfully  a progressive  pro- 
gram of  improvement.  Highways,  railways,  harbors,  and  com- 
munications, these  have  increased  in  number  and  efficiency  suffi- 
cient to  merit  the  gratitude  of  the  native  and  the  praise  of  the 
outsider.  Abuses  in  the  local  administration,  in  the  collection 
of  taxes,  and  in  the  law  courts  have  been  remedied.  Agricul- 
ture, trade,  and  industry  have  been  encouraged.  The  number 
of  hospitals  has  been  increased,  and  the  police  hygienic  regula- 
tions have  improved  sanitary  conditions.  The  educational  sys- 
tem has  been  extended  and  made  uniform.  Finance  has  been 
placed  on  a more  stable  basis,  and  abuses  in  the  currency  recti- 
fied. These  and  such  like  reforms  have  compelled  the  Korean  to 
thankfully  acknowledge  his  debt  to  Japan. 

But  there  are  other  aspects  of  the  Japanese  administra- 
tion that  tempt  the  patriotic  Korean  to  greater  thankfulness, 
inasmuch  as  they  have  forced  Korea  to  still  nurture  beneath 
a mask  of  political  indifference  a hatred  of  Japan,  and  a national 
aspiration  which  has  burst  forth  at  the  first  shadow  of  an  oppor- 

111 


tunity.  Military  occupation  and  military  government,  and  the 
evident  purpose  of  the  administration  to  exploit  Korea  for  the 
benefit  of  Japan  and  the  Japanese  settler — these  rankle  in  the 
sensitive  Korean  mind  and  force  him  to  fix  his  hope  upon  “The 
Day”  when  his  “national  aspirations  shall  be  accorded  the  utmost 
satisfaction.”  The  military  rule  has  not  left  him  even  the  vestige 
of  liberty.  Every  man's  movements  are  under  the  inquisitorial 
scrutiny  of  police  and  gendarme.  All  public  meetings  and 
society  organizations  are  governed  by  law.  A meeting  to  dis- 
cuss world  events  is  an  impossibility ; a democratic  remark  would 
inevitably  mean  a clash  with  officialdom.  Free  speech  is  un- 
known. Two  years  ago  three  students  of  the  Pyengyang  Union 
Christian  College  were  arrested  for  making  some  liberal  remarks 
in  a valedictory  address,  and  the  literary  society  of  that  college 
was  forced  to  discontinue.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  press 
is  muzzled.  No  progressive  young  Korean  can  find  a medium 
for  the  expression  of  his  ideas.  One  of  the  brightest  of  young 

Koreans,  Mr. , is  credited  with  having  edited  no  less 

than  five  magazines,  one  after  the  other  of  which  have  been 
suppressed.  He  is  now  in  prison  on  the  charge  of  having  writ- 
ten the  recent  Independence  Manifesto.  Of  magazines  run  by 
Koreans,  there  are  no  more  than  one  or  two  in  Korea  proper, 
and  some  four  or  five  issued  by  college  students  in  Japan.  News- 
papers in  Korea  are  all  edited  by  Japanese,  and  even  in  the 
case  of  “Christian  Messenger,”  the  Korean  editor  is  forbidden 
to  publish  paragraphs  on  world  events. 

Religious  freedom  is  guaranteed  by  the  Japanese  constitu- 
tion, and  secured  for  Korea  by  the  Treaty  of  Annexation.  It  is 
perhaps  only  due  to  the  faults  inherent  in  a military  system  that 
subordinate  officials  tend  to  interfere  even  here.  But  interfere 
they  do,  particularly  in  the  country  districts.  The  administra- 
tion encourages  Buddhism  as  the  national  religion,  and  the 
outcry  against  Christians  and  the  Christian  missionaries  which 
followed  the  present  revolt  is  symptomatic  of  a deep-seated 
prejudice.  At  the  present  time  all  Christians  are  under  sus- 
picion, and  non-Christians  recognize  that  a profession  of  Chris- 
tianity is  tantamount  to  courting  official  disfavor. 

The  self-interestedness  of  the  Imperial  Japanese  rule  in 
Korea  is  well  exemplified  in  the  educational  system.  A study 
of  it  discovers  three  determining  principles:  (1)  Koreans  shall 

112 


be  converted  into  Japanese;  (2)  Emphasis  shall  be  laid  upon  a 
technical  education,  but  (3)  Koreans  shall  not  be  entrusted 
with  a liberal  higher  education.  In  order  to  accomplish  the 
first  of  those  aims,  the  chief  subject  of  study  in  the  common 
school  curriculum  is  the  Japanese  language.  Not  only  is  there 
more  time  given  to  this  subject  than  to  any  other  two  subjects 
together,  but  every  other  subject  is  taught  through  the  medium 
of  this  language,  except  the  Korean  script.  This  subject  is  given 
no  more  than  two  periods  every  second  day,  so  that  if  the 
Korean  child  still  understands  his  native  tongue  it  is  despite 
his  education.  Korean  history  is  banned.  In  its  place  is  a 
history  of  Japan  with  Korean  history  interspersed  here  and 
there,  much  as  colonial  history  is  mentioned  in  a school  of  his- 
tory of  England.  Japanese  patriotic  songs  are  meant  to  cultivate 
the  national  spirit.  A sense  of  Japan’s  military  prowess  is  duly 
impressed  upon  the  youthful  minds  by  the  full  regalia — even 
to  the  sword — of  his  Japanese  teachers.  The  second  aim  of  lay- 
ing emphasis  upon  a technical  education  can,  of  itself,  do  no 
harm.  The  Koreans  sorely  need  to  be  taught  the  dignity  of 
labor.  But  standing,  as  it  does,  as  the  sole  purely  educational 
aim,  it  inevitably  gives  the  Korean  the  idea  that  Japan  wishes 
to  make  him  the  hewer  of  wood  and  the  drawer  of  water.  To 
win  unqualified  praise  such  education  must  go  hand  in  hand 
with  a higher  grade  general  education.  But  it  is  just  here  that 
the  educational  system  of  Korea  is  chiefly  defective.  It  is  in  the 
interest  of  the  Japanese  imperial  idea  that  Korea  should  >e  kept 
ignorant  of  modern  events,  and  the  authorities  are  afraid  of  a 
thorough-going  liberal  education.  Other  than  the  three  special 
colleges,  one  each  of  law,  medicine  and  technical,  there  are 
neither  academies,  colleges,  nor  a university  provided  by 
the  government  in  Korea.  The  academies  that  existed  before 
annexation  have  been  abolished  and  replaced  by  “Higher  Com- 
mon Schools”  of  a much  lower  standard. 

Not  only  is  it  in  the  system  of  education  that  the  Koreans 
criticize  the  administration,  but  in  the  inadequacy  of  the  num- 
ber of  schools  provided  for  the  population,  and  especially  in  view 
of  the  discrimination  in  this  respect  made  in  favor  of  the  Jap- 
anese residents  in  Korea.  The  following  table  will  show  the 
statistics  for  the  year  1916  as  published  in  the  Governor  Gen- 
eral’s annual  report,  together  with  a comparative  statement  of 
Protestant  Mission  schools; 


113 


Comparative  Statistics  of  Schools  in  Korea  for  Koreans  and 
Japanese  (with  Statistics  of  Mission  Schools) 


Government  Schools 
for  Koreans 

Ap- 

Kind  of  Schol-  plica- 

School  No.  ars  tions 

Elem.  Pub.  Sch,  447  67,629  

High  Elem.  Sch.  3 537  2,651 

Girls’  H.  Sch...  2 164  187 

College  3 277  844 

Gov’t  Subsidies. . . . Y.602,888. 
Population 17,500,000 


Government  Schools  Christian 

for  Japanese  Schools 


School  No. 

Schol- 

ars 

No. 

Schol- 

ars 

Elem.  Sch.  .324 

34,100 

601 

22,542 

Middle  Sch.  3 

375 

17 

2,125 

Girls’  H.  S.  9 

526 

14 

1,352 

College  ...  2 

91 

4 

250 

Y.339,660. 

None 

300,000  300,000 


The  above  table  shows  that  for  a Korean  population  of 
17,500,000  the  government  has  provided  no  more  than  447  schools, 
capable  of  receiving  no  more  than  67,629  scholars,  or  about 
1/300  of  the  population.  Compared  with  this  there  has  been 


provided  for  the  300,000  Japanese  residents  324  schools,  capable 
of  receiving  34,100  scholars,  or  1/9  of  the  population.  This  does 
not  mean  that  the  Koreans  are  unwilling  to  educate  their  boys. 
The  Governor  General  reports  the  existence  of  no  fewer  than 
21,800  old-type  village  schools,  which  must  provide  the  elements 
of  education  to  some  500,000  boys.  To  this  must  be  added  the 
22,542  children  attending  Christian  schools.  But  it  is  the  higher 
grade  school  system  that  receives  most  criticism  from  the  Korean. 
Not  only  do  the  Japanese  boys  and  girls  in  Korea  get  a higher 
standard  of  education  than  the  native  Korean,  but  more  ample 
provision  is  made  for  their  numbers.  Including  the  three  col- 
leges, there  are  only  seven  schools  for  Koreans  above  the  com- 
mon public  school  grade  capable  of  admitting  no  more  than  978 
scholars,  whereas  the  Japanese  children  have  14  schools,  with 
a capacity  for  receiving  992  scholars.  Surely  this  leaves  the 
administration  open  to  the  charge  of  discrimination  and  to  the 
further  charge  of  refusing  the  Korean  the  benefits  of  higher 
education.  Here  again  the  excuse  cannot  be  made  that  Koreans 
are  indifferent  to  higher  education,  for  in  1916  there  were 
3,682  applicants  for  the  978  places.  The  much  suspected  and 
maligned  Christian  church  has  stepped  into  the  breach,  and 
with  its  31  academies  and  4 colleges  receives  yearly  almost  4,000 
students.  If  it  be  argued  that  the  government  encourages 
young  Koreans  to  take  their  higher  education  in  Japan,  the 
answer  is  that  for  most  young  men  the  cost  is  prohibitive,  and 


114 


that  what  applies  to  the  Korean  youth  should  apply  equally 
to  the  sons  of  Japanese  settlers.  Not  until  the  government 
makes  as  fair  provision  from  public  funds,  for  the  native  Koreans 
as  she  does  for  the  Japanese  colonists  will  she  free  herself  from 
the  stigma  of  “race  discrimination”  within  her  own  empire. 

Another  example  of  this  “race  discrimination”  is  to  be  found 
in  her  system  of  official  appointments.  This  is  the  natural  out- 
growth of  her  military  policy,  and  depends  upon  the  educational 
system  for  an  excuse  for  its  continuance.  The  ignorance  and 
incapacity  of  the  Korean  officials  of  the  former  regime  was 
made  the  execuse  for  the  wholesale  employment  of  Japanese  in 
the  higher  official  service.  It  was  fondly  hoped  by  Koreans 
that  as  the  years  went  by  and  their  stronger  men  acquired  more 
experience  and  were  educated  under  the  Japanese  administra- 
tion, the  higher  official  positions  would  be  thrown  open  to 
them.  The  opposite  has  been  the  policy  and  practice  of  the 
Japanese.  In  1910  six  out  of  thirteen  provincial  governors  were 
Korean,  now  there  are  only  three.  At  that  time  all  district  mag- 
istracies were  held  by  Koreans,  now  at  least  one-seventh  of  the 
largest  districts  are  governed  by  Japanese  magistrates,  and  even 
in  some  places  the  village  provostship  has  been  transferred  to 
Japanese  hands.  The  number  of  judgeships  that  have  gone  to 
the  Koreans  is  very  mall,  and  all  school  principals  are  Japanese. 
The  story  is  the  same  in  every  public  department.  But  it  is 
not  only  in  the  filing  of  offices  that  the  discrimination  ap- 
pears, but  also  in  the  dignity  and  remuneration  attaching 
thereto.  The  Japanese  officials  of  the  same  rank  receive  40% 
higher  salaries  than  the  Koreans,  and  in  addition  allowances  for 
colonial  service.  This  may  happen  in  the  case  of  men  who 
graduate  from  the  same  school.  One  need  not  labor  to  point 
that  the  Japanese  regard  themselves  as  the  superior  race.  It 
appears  no  less  among  the  educated  than  among  the  lower 
classes.  The  most  dignified  Korean  official,  if  met  by  a Japanese 
stranger,  would  invariably  be  conscious  of  the  other's  sense 
of  superiority,  and  in  the  same  business  office  the  overbearing 
manner  of  the  Japanese  to  their  Korean  assistants  is  evident 
enough  even  to  the  passer-by. 

Look  at  the  adminitration  from  whatever  point  you  will, 
the  aim  of  the  Japanese  to  make  Korea  a preserve  for  Japanese 
officialdom  and  exploit  her  for  the  benefit  of  Japan  and  Japanese 

115 


colonists  stands  out  as  clear  as  day.  Visit  the  large  harbors 
and  you  will  find  that  the  land  adjoining  the  docks  is  monopo- 
lized by  the  Japanese,  and  the  Koreans  denied  building  rights 
within  the  Japanese  section.  The  crown  lands  that  have  been 
held  in  perpetual  lease  by  generations  of  Korean  farmers  have 
been  sold  by  the  government,  almost  exclusively  to  Japanese 
settlers.  For  this  reason  the  immigration  to  Manchuria  has 
been  increasing  year  by  year.  The  banking  system  of  the  penin- 
sula has  been  greatly  extended  and  improved,  and  is  increas- 
ingly  proving  a boon  to  the  natives.  But  it  is  surely  unfortu- 
nate that,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Kanjo  Bank,  all 
the  managers  and  nine-tenths  of  the  clerks  are  Japanese.  It  is  this 
wholesale  handicapping  of  the  Korean  youth  that  engenders 
the  disaffection  which  has  recently  shown  itself.  This  coming 
as  it  does,  from  a people  who  are  so  strongly  urging  their  policy 
of  “No  Race  Discrimination,”  is  to  say  the  least,  an  aspersion 
on  Japanese  sincerity.  Dicrimination  runs  through  their  whole 
imperial  policy,  is  applied  in  their  private  business  enterprises, 
and  is  perpetuated  by  their  school  system.  For  not  only  are 
Japanese  and  Korean  children  separated  in  their  schools,  but  the 
standard  of  education  is  higher  for  the  Japanese  than  it  is 
for  the  Korean. 

The  origin  of  the  present  demonstration  in  favor  of  Inde- 
pendence has  to  be  sought,  then,  in  the  persevering  spirit,  in 
the  Korean's  sense  of  humiliation,  and  in  a due  appreciation  of 
the  evils  and  deficiencies  of  the  present  administration.  It  has 
an  immediate  cause  which  will  be  noted  below,  but  the  move- 
ment is  by  no  means  “a  sporadic  revival  of  patriotism,  based 
upon  false  reports  and  instigated  by  a few  individuals.”  There 
are  three  classes  principally  involved,  but  a fourth  followed  spon- 
taneously and  swept  all  Korea  into  the  movement. 

(A)  The  Japanese  lay  the  chief  blame  upon  a sect  called 
“The  Church  of  the  Heavenly  Way.”  Their  creed  is  a simple 
one  of  two  lines,  which,  however,  may  not  be  as  colorless  as 
it  looks: 

Who  waits  on  God 

Shall  wield  God's  might; 

Who  ne'er  forgets 
All  things  come  right. 

116 


Forgets  what?  To  the  initiated  this  may  hold  more  than 
a religious  meaning.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  worth  nothing 
that  this  sect  has  been  in  existence,  under  this  name,  since 
annexation.  Its  membership  exceeds  a million.  On  three  gala 
days  enormous  crowds  gather  in  the  capital  and  throughout 
the  country,  ostensibly  to  worship,  but  in  reality  to  perpetuate 
the  spirit  of  patriotism,  and  incidentally  to  provide  the  organiza- 
tion for  a united  effort  when  “The  Day”  should  arrive.  The 
sect  is  avowedly  politico-religious,  and  their  prominence  in  the 
recent  demonstrations  is  easily  accounted  for. 

(B)  The  same  can  not  be  said  of  the  native  Christian 
church.  For  many  years  the  Korean  Christians  have  been  with- 
out hope  in  this  world.  So  lacking  has  been  their  interest  in 
political  affairs  that  the  chief  tenet  of  their  faith  has  been  the 
second  coming  of  Christ.  The  Japanese  themselves  have  been 
severe  in  their  criticism  of  the  “other-worldliness”  of  the  Chris- 
tian community.  It  was  a surprise,  therefore,  to  the  officials 
and  to  the  missionaries  no  less,  when  the  church  threw  off  its 
cloak  of  indifference  and  unanimously  began  to  tackle  the 
political  problem  of  the  country.  The  Japanese  interpretation 
of  this  phenomena  is  a comment  upon  the  official  mind.  They 
refuse  to  think  that  the  Korean  people  could  have  conceived  or 
carried  through  such  a movement  without  the  aid  of  foreign 
missionaries.  They  have  despised  the  ability  of  the  Korean,  and 
have  made  it  their  policy  to  crush  all  initiative.  Hence,  too, 
their  mad  rage  against  the  Christians.  Profession  of  faith  is 
a heinous  crime,  and  a proof  that  the  believer  is  in  league  with 
the  foreigner  against  Japan.  The  Korean  is  denied  the  credit 
of  being  able  to  think  or  act  independently.  The  prominent  part 
played  by  the  Christians  in  the  revolt  is  only  a proof  that  the  more 
enlightened  and  more  sensitive  natures  are  to  be  found  in  the  church. 
And  who  but  a prig  would  deny  that  political  wisdom  might  be 
expected  even  from  a Christian. 

(C)  The  third  class  involved  consists  of  Koreans  abroad. 
Students  and  business  men  in  Japan,  China,  Russia,  and  America 
cannot  fail  to  be  influenced  by  the  present  world  movements. 
The  problems  of  the  peace  conference  are  their  problems.  Most 
of  them  have  left  Korea  as  a protest  against  Japanese  rule,  and 
it  is  inevitable  that  correspondence  with  friends  in  Korea  should 
have  nourished  the  patient  but  persistent  anticipations  of  “The 
Day/' 


117 


(D)  The  educated  Koreans  are  to  be  found  in  one  or 
the  other  of  the  above  classes,  or  in  the  Buddhist  faith.  Little 
mention  has  been  made  of  the  part  played  by  the  Buddhists  in 
the  rising,  but  two  of  their  leading  priests  signed  the  declara- 
tion of  independence,  and  demonstrations  took  place  in  many 
of  their  monasteries.  But  it  was  not  from  the  educated  classes 
alone  that  the  protest  came.  Despite  the  censorship  of  the 
Japanese  press,  which  left  many  places  completely  isolated,  the 
country  people  spontaneously  rose  throughout  the  whole  land. 
This  can  only  be  explained  by  the  assumption  that  it  needed 
only  a rumor  to  rouse  the  national  spirit  from  its  seeming 
lethargy.  Old  men  and  ignorant  peasants  joined  in  the  demon- 
stration. Forbidden  oracles  and  prophecies  were  brought  from 
the  recesses  of  the  past  and  discussed.  “Wai  Wang  Sam  Nyunm 
Ka  Jung  Pal  Nyun,”  a five-hundred-old  prophecy,  is  now  inter- 
preted as  meaning  “A  Japanese  King  for  three  years”  (referring 
to  the  protectorate  1907-1910),  “Eight  years’  rule  by  ‘Ka’  ” (Kain 
being  the  name  of  the  present  reigning  emperor,  and  this  the 
eighth  year  of  his  reign).  Such  like  oracles  are  the  common 
possession  of  the  peasant  class  and  the  Bible  of  the  old  men. 
Omens  and  portents  are  eagerly  sought.  During  these  days  the 

hills  around resounded  to  shout  of  “Mansai”  by  an  unseen 

host.  Strange  maneuvers  of  Japanese  and  of  old  Korean  flags 
have  been  reported  and  taken  as  good  omens.  We  may  laugh 
at  the  superstition,  but  we  are  forced  to  note  the  fact  that  a 
nation-wide  revolution  could  be  evoked  on  such  slim  evidence. 
The  merest  semblance  of  an  opportunity  was  eagerly  grasped 
which  might  bring  relief  from  their  oppressive  rule. 

The  immediate  reason  for  the  revolt  is  the  idea  that  Korea 
may  share  in  the  application  of  the  principle  of  national  self- 
determination.  Koreans  feel  that  at  last  the  world  is  going 
to  be  offered  another  opportunity  to  revive  just  national  ideas. 
Times  have  changed  since  Japan  took  over  Korea.  They  feel 
that  it  is  no  longer  either  justifiable  or  possible  to  maintain 
the  peace  of  the  East  by  a form  of  government  that  crushes 
every  legitimate  aspiration  of  a people  of  twenty  million  souls. 
It  was  in  the  hope  that  the  world  might  learn  the  true  state  of 
affairs  in  Korea — in  the  hope  that  even  the  statesmen  gathered 
in  Paris  might  learn  it — that  the  present  movement  was 
launched. 


118 


The  revolution  was  organized  by  a committee  of  thirty- 
three  leaders,  who  issued  a manifesto  calling  upon  Koreans 
everywhere  to  unite,  stating  their  aims  and  counseling  peace- 
ful methods.  The  three  main  clauses  read  as  follows : 

(1)  What  we  as  a nation  desire  is  justice,  human  rights, 
a fair  chance  to  life,  and  scope  for  legitimate  ideals. 

(2)  We  pledge  ourselves  to  the  last  man  and  the  last  hour 
to  see  that  a -fair  statement  of  our  people’s  mind  is  given  to 
the  world. 

(3)  Let  us  look  to  conduct  that  we  do  all  things  orderly, 
molesting  no  one  and  respecting  property. 

In  pursuance  of  this  policy  the  Korean  demonstrators  have 
instituted  a passive  revolution.  With  empty  hands,  save  for 
the  carrying  of  a small  Korean  flag,  with  nothing  but  shouts  of 
“Mansei — long  live  Korea!”  the  movement  has  been  remarkable 
for  its  freedom  from  violence  on  the  part  of  the  Koreans.  They 
possess  no  arms,  and  would  have  been  at  the  mercy  of  the  Jap- 
anese military  had  they  resorted  to  force.  The  marvel  is  that 
they  were  able  to  endure  to  the  end  and  refuse  to  retaliate 
against  the  brutal  methods  which  the  administration  has  taken 
to  subdue  the  disturbances.  The  Japanese  soldiery  were  let 
loose  in  many  places  and  played  havoc  among  the  most  inno- 
cent. Churches  have  been  wrecked  and  men  hurried  to  jail 
on  the  merest  pretext.  The  usual  brutal  methods  of  police  in- 
vestigation have  been  adopted,  and  men  have  come  out  of 
the  police  stations  so  bruised  and  battered  as  to  be  unfit  for 
work  for  days.  A strike  or  two  in  the  capital,  the  refusal  of 
the  storekeepers  to  open  their  doors,  the  closing  of  schools,  and 
frequent  demonstrations  in  favor  of  independence — that  has  been 
the  extent  of  the  revolt.  Thousands  are  in  jail,  and  thousands 
more  are  carrying  on  the  work  which  their  organizers  began. 
There  seems  to  be  no  disposition  to  give  up  until  some  promise 
of  reform  is  given.  The  Japanese  have  unfortunately  made  up 
their  minds  to  suppress  the  revolt  by  force  and  intimidation. 
It  remains  to  be  seen  who  will  win  out. 

The  question  of  the  fitness  of  the  Korean  people  to  govern 
themselves  has  been  much  to  the  fore.  Fears  have  been  ex- 
pressed that  if  Japan  left  Korea  alone  to-day,  the  result  would 
be  anarchy  and  Bolshevism.  That  there  would  be  factions  no 
one  will  deny — is. there  any  country  in  this  old  world  where 


there  are  not?  But  that  Koreans  would  go  to  extremes  no  one 
who  knows  their  peace-loving  character  will  grant.  It  is  mani- 
festly unfair  to  saddle  upon  new  Korea  the  faults  of  a former 
autocratic  regime.  Times  have  changed.  Koreans  of  good 
standing  and  ability  have  received  their  education  in  Japan  and 
America.  They  have  received  American  ideals  through  Ameri- 
can missionaries.  The  Japanese  system  has  not  tended  to  pro- 
duce big  men,  but  despite  it  capable  men  are  to  be  found.  The 
government  of  a church  differs  greatly  from  the  administration 
of  a country,  but  the  fundamental  faculty  is  the  same.  If  the 
ability  shown  by  the  Korean  Christians  in  their  church  courts 
is  any  criterion,  one  might  even  hope  for  their  successful  admin- 
istration of  national  affairs.  The  very  efficiency  and  courage 
which  they  have  shown  in  their  present  revolt  is  no  mean  proof 
of  their  ability,  and  the  unanimity  with  which  all  classes  through- 
out the  entire  land  followed  the  lead  of  their  committees  show 
a remarkable  power  of  organization  and  a wonderful  willingness 
to  be  led.  The  Koreans  are  divided  in  their  political  aims. 
Some  desire  a form  of  self-government  under  the  suzerainty 
of  Japan  along  the  lines  of  Britain’s  self-governing  dominions. 
Others  maintain  that  as  Korea  and  Japan  are  two  distinct  races 
with  different  national  spirit,  absolute  autonomy  alone  will  pro- 
vide the  necessary  opportunity  for  national  progress.  Koreans 
feel  confident  that  they  could  make  as  good  a showing  as 
Japan.  Korean  students  in  Japan,  of  whom  there  are  eight  hun- 
dred this  year,  claim  that  they  more  than  hold  their  own  with 
Japanese  students,  despite  the  handicap  of  the  Japanese  lan- 
guage. Be  that  as  it  may,  one  thing  stands  clear — things  can 
never  go  along  as  they  did  before  the  revolt.  Whatever  may 
result,  the  Koreans  must  be  given  a greater  opportunity  to  de- 
velop along  their  own  national  lines.  Their  national  history 
must  be  held  inviolate,  their  national  language  respected.  Mili- 
tary rule  with  its  system  of  gendarmerie  must  go,  and  the  com- 
mon rights  of  man  be  secured  for  all.  The  educational  system 
must  give  the  Korean  youth  the  best  possible  chance  to  make 
good,  and  the  offer  of  promotion  to  higher  offices  must  prove 
the  incentive.  Ultimately  there  should  be  no  office  in  the  state 
which  a Korean  boy  may  not  one  day  aspire  to.  Whether  this 
will  mean  that  Japan  must  withdraw  from  the  peninsula  or  not, 
one  cannot  predict.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  Jap^p,  in  tfie 

UQ 


present  instance,  will  respond  to  the  reasonable  and  restrained 
protest  of  this  people  in  the  spirit  of  the  times.  There  are  not 
wanting  signs  that  Japan  is  mustering  courage  to  defy  the  enemy 
within  her  own  gates.  The  world,  and  little  Korea,  will  await 
the  outcome.  In  the  meantime  we  content  ourselves  with  know- 
ing that  imperial  military  rule  in  Korea  stands  condemned,  and 
that  instead  of  the  two  nations  being  perfectly  united  they  are 
further  apart  to-day  than  ever. 

Exhibit  XXXIII 

COPIES  OF  DOCUMENTS  PRESENTED  TO  IMPORTANT 
JAPANESE  IN  TOKYO  BY  A COMMITTEE 
FROM  KOREA 

Some  Reasons  Underlying  the  Present  Agitation  in  Chosen 

May  10,  1919. 

The  following  paper  is  a condensed  statement  of  what  appear 
to  be  the  most  important  of  the  underlying  causes  of  the  present 
agitation  in  Korea.  All  of  the  reasons  given  have  appeared  in 
some  form  or  other  in  declarations,  petitions  and  bulletins  issued 
by  the  Koreans,  and  so  may  be  taken  as  an  expression  of 
Korean  opinion.  The  statement  contains  only  what  seem  to 
some  friends  of  Japan  and  Korea  to  be  the  most  important  of 
the  causes  involved. 

It  should  be  said  also  that  it  does  not  embody  the  imme- 
diate causes  of  this  outbreak  such  as  the  rumors  in  connection 
with  the  work  of  the  Peace  Conference,  prevalent  ideas  of  “self- 
determination,”  the  activities  of  Koreans  abroad  and  the  death 
of  the  ex-Emperor  of  Korea. 

I.  The  Desire  for  Independence. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  assimilation  of  an  alien 
race  is  a difficult  task  at  best,  and  that  in  this  case  it  is  made 
more  difficult  by  the  fact  that  the  Koreans  as  a people  have  never 
in  their  hearts  been  reconciled  to  annexation. 

II.  The  Rigor  of  the  Military  Administration. 

Koreans  do  not  know  what  it  would  be  like  to  be  under 
a civil  administration.  Their  whole  idea  of  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment is  drawn  from  their  experiences  of  military  rule. 

1.  The  fact  that  the  police  have  gendarmes  and  soldiers 
associated  with  them  in  the  administration  of  law  leads  the 


121 


Korean  to  fear  the  police  and  to  regard  them  not  as  civil  servants 
and  protectors  but  as  oppressors. 

2.  This  impression  is  deepened  by  the  harsh  and  indis- 
criminate manner  in  which  laws  are  administered.  In  the  report 
issued  by  the  Government  General  in  July,  1918  (covering  the 
year  1916-1917)  it  is  stated  that  out  of  82,121  offenders  dealt 
with  in  “Police  Summary  Judgment,”  952  were  pardoned,  81,139 
were  sentenced,  and  only  30  were  able  to  prove  their  innocence. 
The  unavoidable  result  of  such  a system  is  that  a naturally 
peaceful  and  gentle-minded  people  are  living  in  a state  of  con- 
stant terror. 

3.  The  spy  system  has  added  to  the  terrorization  of  the 
people.  Spies,  usually  low-class  Koreans,  are  everywhere.  No 
one  knows  when  nor  in  what  form  the  most  harmless  acts  or 
words  may  be  reported  to  the  authorities. 

4.  The  treatment  of  those  arrested  adds  to  the  fear  and 
hatred  of  the  police. 

5.  The  show  of  force  on  all  occasions  adds  to  the  irrita- 
tion. Civil  officials,  even  primary  school  teachers,  wear  swords. 

6.  This  system  has  brought  the  people  to  believe  that  the 
administration  has  no  idea  of  leading  them,  but  only  of  com- 
pelling obedience. 

III.  Denationalization. 

1.  The  Koreans  are  a different  race,  with  different  his- 
tory, traditions,  ideals,  ethics  and  customs.  The  present  ad- 
ministration seems  to  aim  at  the  elimination  of  many  things 
traditionally  Korean  and  the  substitution  of  things  new  and 
strange.  There  seems  to  be  no  systematic  attempt  to  win  the 
Korean’s  loyalty  for  Japan  but  to  make  over  the  Korean  into  a 
Japanese. 

2.  The  exclusion  of  the  Korean  language  from  schools, 
courts  and  legal  documents  is  a great  source  of  irritation.  It  is 
recognized  that  the  question  of  language  presents  a problem  to 
the  government,  but  the  effect  of  the  present  policy  on  the  mind 
of  the  Korean  cannot  be  minimized. 

3.  The  elimination  of  Korean  history  from  school  curricula 
is  another  source  of  irritation.  The  Koreans  feel  that  the  pres- 
entation of  the  subject  of  Korean  history  is  neither  as  full  nor  as 
accurate  as  its  importance  would  warrant. 

122 


IV.  The  Koreans  have  no  real  share  in  their  government,  either 

legislative  or  executive,  and  no  hope  of  securing  this 
has  been  held  out  to  them. 

1.  Some  Koreans  do  hold  office,  but  usually  minor  ones, 
and  in  the  case  of  those  holding  an  important  office  they  can 
usually  be  overruled  by  Japanese  officials  of  lower  rank. 

2.  The  inferior  education  given  to  the  Korean  students 
deprives  them  of  the  hope  of  securing  positions  by  competitive 
merit  in  the  futue. 

V.  Discrimination  Against  Koreans. 

1.  There  is  discrimination  in  salaries  for  the  same  services 
in  government  institutions,  in  business  houses  and  in  labor. 

2.  In  government  schools  the  curriculum  is  different  for 
Japanese  and  Koreans.  The  latter  have  from  two  to  three  years 
shorter  course  than  the  former.  In  the  matter  of  English  also, 
which  all  desire  to  learn,  the  Japanese  have  four  days  a week 
for  five  years  while  the  Koreans  have  only  two  hours  a week 
for  two  years.  Such  differences  in  educational  facilities  may 
be  accounted  for  by  the  government’s  inability  to  provide  full 
courses  as  yet,  but  it  works  an  evident  hardship  and  is  resented 
by  the  Koreans. 

3.  Corporal  punishment  can  be  legally  administered  only 
to  Koreans. 

4.  There  is  discrimination  in  many  apparently  minor  but 
really  significant  matters.  For  instance,  Koreans  are  rarely  em- 
ployed as  train  boys  or  akabos,  and  Japanese  rickisha  men  are 
given  the  best  positions  at  railway  stations. 

VI.  No  Liberty  of  Speech,  Press  or  Assembly. 

(Christian  Koreans  were  arrested  who  were  heard  praying 
for  a 'spiritual  revival,  the  authorities  insisting  that  this  meant 
a political  revival.) 

VII.  Limited  Religious  Liberty. 

1.  Religion  cannot  be  taught  in  private  schools  according 
to  the  Government  Revised  Educational  Ordinances,  which  rec- 
ognize no  difference  between  government  and  private  schools. 

2.  In  the  case  of  Christianity,  the  Bible  cannot  be  taught 
in  private  schools  opened  since  March,  1915,  or  in  any  schools 
after  1925. 


123 


3.  Ceremonies  are  required  which  seem  to  be  a violation 
of  conscience  to  Koreans. 

4.  Local  officials  constantly  intimidate  Christians  and  those 
intending  to  become  Christians,  in  what  appears  to  be  an  effort 
to  discourage  Christianity. 

VIII.  Practical  Prohibition  of  Korean  Study  and  Travel 
Abroad. 

1.  Koreans  know  that  Japan’s  progress  is  largely  traceable 
to  foreign  studies  at  the  beginning  of  the  Meiji  Era  and  since, 
and  desire  the  same  opportunity  for  improvement.  With  the 
exception  of  certain  specially  favored  cases,  Koreans  are  not 
permitted  to  go  abroad,  and  those  who  have  received  their  edu- 
cation abroad  are  not  permitted  to  return. 

2.  Even  Koreans  who  have  been  educated  in  Japan  are  so 
constantly  watched  by  the  police  on  their  return  to  Korea  that 
they  can  make  no  proper  use  of  their  education. 

IX.  Expropriation  of  Crown  Lands. 

In  many  sections  of  Korea  Crown  lands  have  been  occupied 
and  farmed  by  the  Koreans  for  generations  on  the  basis  of  a 
moderate  rental.  In  many  cases  the  leasehold  of  these  lands 
had  acquired  a value  almost  equal  to  that  of  land  held  in  full 
possession.  These  lands,  however,  were  in  many  cases  turned 
over  to  the  Oriental  Development  Company,  and  the  former 
occupants  required  to  pay  greatly  increased  rents,  which  com- 
pelled them  to  abandon  the  land  in  favor  of  government-assisted 
Japanese  settlers. 

X.  Demoralizing  Influences  Newly  Introduced. 

1.  Licensed  prostitution  in  all  cities  and  towns  has  made 
this  form  of  immorality  more  open  and  accessible,  and  hence  has 
had  a more  demoralizing  effect  as  well  as  a more  widespread 
influence  upon  the  young  men  of  the  country. 

2.  The  persistent  sale  of  the  morphine  needle  has  been  un- 
restricted in  many  sections. 

XI.  Forced  Migration  to  Manchuria. 

The  extensive  migration  of  Japanese  farmers  into  central  and 
southern  Korea  and  their  occupation  of  often  unjustly  secured 
lands  has  forced  the  migration  of  thousands  of  Koreans  into  the 
less  desirable  and  undeveloped  sections  of  Manchuria. 

124 


XII.  Many  Improvements  Benefit  Japanese  More  Than 
Koreans. 

1.  Industrial,  e.  g.  The  lumber  industry,  although  exten- 
sively developed,  brings  no  additional  benefit  to  the  Koreans. 
In  fact,  lumber  costs  more  than  formerly. 

2.  Commercial.  The  Korean  merchants  lack  modern  busi- 
ness training  and  experience,  which  makes  it  difficult  for  them 
to  withstand  the  unrestricted  competition  of  Japanese  merchants. 

3.  In  many  cases  licensed  monopolies  work  great  hardship 
to  the  Koreans  and  cause  resentment,  e.  g.,  the  cotton  monopoly 
and  the  fertilizer  monopoly  in  Sen  Sen. 

Exhibit  XXXIV 

BRUTALITIES  IN  SYENCHUN  IN  MAY 

Statement  by  Rev 

May  25th,  1919. 

Eleven  Kangkei  boys  came  here  from  . All  the 

eleven  were  beaten  ninety  stripes — thirty  each  day  for  three  days, 
May  16,  17  and  18,  and  let  out  May  18th.  Nine  came  here  May 
22nd,  and  two  more  May  24th. 

Tak  Chank  Kuk  died  about  noon,  May  23rd. 

Kim  Myungha  died  this  evening. 

Kim  Hyungsun  is  very  sick. 

Kim  Chungsun  and  Song  Taksam  are  able  to  walk  but  are 
badly  broken. 

Kim  Oosik  seemed  very  doubtful  but  afterward  improved. 

Choi  Tungwon,  Kim  Changook,  Kim  Sungkil,  and  Ko 
Pongsu  are  able  to  be  about,  though  the  two  have 
broken  flesh. 

Kim  Syungha  rode  from on  his  bicycle  and  reached 

here  about  an  hour  before  his  brother  died.  The  first  six  who 
came  into  the  hospital  were  in  a dreadful  fix,  four  days  after 
the  beating.  No  dressing  or  anything  had  been  done  for  them. 
Dr.  Sharrocks  just  told  me  that  he  feels  doubtful  about  some  of 
the  others  since  Myungha  died.  It  is  gangrene.  One  of  these 
boys  is  a Chun  Kyoin,  and  another  is  not  a Christian,  but  the 
rest  are  all  Christians. 

Mr.  Lampe  has  photographs.  The  stripes  were  laid  on  to 
the  buttocks  and  the  flesh  pounded  into  a pulp. 

125 


2715LH_  gig 

02-05-08  32185  MC 


IHFGroup 


